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DIOCESAN HISTORIES.
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^
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1 ^NORWICH.
BY
THE Rev. AUGUSTUS JESSOPP, D.D.
RECTOR OP SCARNING,
LA^Sr HBAD MASTER OP KIi9g EDWARD VI. SCHOOL, NORWICH.
\
WITH MAP. ^
t •
PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE TRACT COMMITTEE.
I
LONDON: W
SOCIETX FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNO^EDGE,
NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, CHARING CROSS, W.C,
43, QUEEN VICTORIA STREET, B.C.
^36, ST. GEORGE'S PLACE, HYDE PARK CORNER, S.W.
BRIGHTON : 135, north street.
New York: E. & J. B. YOUNG & CO.
1884.
I
1
\
PREFACE.
P
o
When I undertook to draw up a brief history of the
'^ East Anglian Diocese, I was living within a stone's
* throw of the archives of the see and of the arch-
^ deaconries of Norfolk and Norwich. By the great
^ kindness of the keepers of those treasures I had,
^ in the course of years, acquired some familiarity with
p them, and in a vague manner I had been making
C notes and extracts which had accumulated upon
^ me. I thought it probable that I could write my
4- book, currente calamo, in three months. Alas ! it is
f% one thing to know something, or even a great deal,
J* about your subject, and quite another to know the
*" subject itself. It ended by my going through all the
early episcopal registers, page by page, and by my
filling many volumes with notes, each of those volumes
more bulky than the little one to which they have
served as apparatus. It is not likely that the result
of my labours — if they deserve such a grand name —
will ever interest any one else as much as the re-
search itself has interested me. I have laid under
contribution a very large mass of original sources
--> -JW
v>C^ ^
K-
IV NORWICH.
which are easily accessible to any one who has served
his apprenticeships but which, it must be confessed, are
in a somewhat chaotic condition ; the most important
of them I may perhaps be allowed to indicate for the
benefit of others.
I. The principal Records in the Bishop's Registry
were noticed in the first Report of the His-
torical MSS. Commission, but there is a huge
mass of documents unarranged and little
known which sorely need to be set in order.
Perhaps the most valuable of these would
prove to be the Evidence Books containing
the depositions of witnesses in Causes Eccle-
siastical. Students of our social history
would find here a mine of information which
has hardly been looked aty certainly not looked
intOy and which would yield a rich return to
intelligent research.
II. The Documents belonging to the Archdeaconry
of Norfolk are now most carefully preserved,
but they have not always been under such
conscientious custody. I have some reason for
believing that the records, when Tanner was
archdeacon, went back as far as the thirteenth
century. Now they contain nothing anterior to
the sixteenth, not much so early as that. They
are comparatively of little value or interest.
III. The Archives of the Archdeaconry of Norwich
PREFACE. V
are far more extensive and far more valuable
than those of the Archdeaconry of Norfolk.
Indeed, they are so voluminous that it would
be impossible to arrange them until a suitable
depository could be provided for them. The
extreme kindness and courtesy of Mr. Over-
bury has enabled me to do something at this
important collection, but it is hopeless to
think of making any real impression upon it
as long as every hour that the student bestows
upon it he feels that he is imposing upon the
good-nature of a friend on whose hospitality
he has no claim.
IV. The Archives of the Archdeaconry of Suffolk,
I am told, are even more rich than those of
the Norwich archdeaconry. I have hitherto
been deterred from visiting them ; but they,
too, must contain an immense store of
materials requiring to be calendered and
arranged.
V. Of the Documents belonging to the Arch-
deaconry of Sudbury I can give no account.
The greater part of this archdeaconry was
handed over to the see of Ely in 1837, and I
presume that the bulk of the documents re-
lating to it passed away from us at that time.
I happen to know, however, that all the docu-
ments did not so pass, and that they are
VI NORWICH.
occasionally to be found where they ought
not to be.
VI. The Parochial Registers throughout the diocese
have bepn wonderfully well preserved, what-
ever may be said to the contrary. When a
man has taken notes from parish registers by
the hundred, and extracted entries by the
thousand, he is qualified to pronounce an
opinion upon a question of this kind. He
knows how much he has to be thankful
for.
VII. On the other hand, the enormous destruction
of such books, accounts, and other records
which were in the custody of the church-
wardens is past all reckoning. What remain
are but very insignificant fragments, and rarely
of any value.
All such sources of information require to be
utilised — besides a great many others — ^by any one
who hopes to get any intimate knowledge of the
history of a diocese. Unhappily that which has been
the case elsewhere has been the case in East Anglia,
the Records have at various times suffered very
unfair usage, sometimes from mere ignorant careless-
ness, but sometimes from downright pillage. Foxe,
the '* Martyrologist," wrought us very grievous wrong.
He was an intimate friend of Bishop Parkhurst, and
he evidently had from the bishop the loan of the
PREFACE. Vll
old Registers of the see. He extracted from them
largely, but he never returned them. At least one of
them — and how many more I know not — is by a strange
freak of fortune now in the custody of Cardinal
Manning. But by far the most shameless plunderer
of the see, as far as its ancient evidences are con-
cerned, was Bishop Tanner. During the eleven
years that he was Archdeacon of Norfolk he seems
to have treated the Records of the archdeaconry as
if they were his own, and whenever he got an original
document into his hands he kept it and added it to
his collection. That he used his documents well,
nobody disputes ; but the Tanner MSS. and the
invaluable Charters and Rolls which he bequeathed
to the Bodleian tell their own tale. The incom-
parable catalogues of these collections would certainly
never have been made if they had not found their
way to Oxford ; but it is a serious consideration to
the local antiquary (who is likely to* bring to
his researches more special knowledge and more
enthusiasm than is to be looked for in the
Cosmopolitan) that he must incur the inconvenience
and expense of a journey to Oxford, and perhaps a
long sojourn there, before he can consult documents
which have been removed from their proper home.
Historical research in the provinces need not be, and
ought not to be made unnecessarily difficult. Local
antiquaries are in some sense specialists, and to
Vlll NORWICH.
centralise all historical documents, and gather them
all together into one colossal tabularium^ is going the
right way to extinguish the local specialist altogether.
It may be said— and with some justice — that this
little volume is a ridiculous little mouse to come out
of years of research. Yes, it may be so. But, as
one of my correspondents observed to me, some
people have microscopes.
That there are no blunders — perhaps silly blunders
— in the little book I do not at all hope. Of only
one writer of history that I ever heard of, can it be
said that he has never been convicted of making a
mistake ; but the Bishop of Chester is not as other
men are.
If any students, other than East Anglians, should
happen to take up this book, let me suggest to them
that there are two matters which deserve much more
attention than they have yet received, and which a
very little original research would throw great light
upon. First, the course which the Black Death ran
and the violence of its incidence upon the clergy in
the fourteenth century ; and, secondly, the extent to
which the married clergy were ejected from their
livings in Queen Mary's time. There is yet another
matter which the records of the Archdeacons' Courts
in the various dioceses throw great light \ipon, viz.,
the moral condition of the people and the status
of the clergy relatively to their flocks. But let me
PREFACE. IX
warn inquirers in this field of research not to be
hasty in coming to conclusions, and not to be deterred
by the dreary monotony and repulsive character of
too much that will come before them. The picture
we get of country life, for instance, in the sixteenth
century, from these records, first startles, then per-
plexes the student ; by-and-by he sees the absolute
necessity of withholding his verdict, and that a super-
ficial examination would tempt him to construct
almost any theory he set himself to support The
fact is that any one can be an Old Bailey advocate.
The judicial faculty — the faculty of weighing and
sifting evidence, of suspending judgment till the
whole case has been laid before us, of gathering up
the clues and testing the strength of every strain,
— that is a very precious faculty indeed : it is granted
to few. Meanwhile hasty generalisation can only land
us upon ground where we can never be sure that we
have a firm foot-hold.
It will give me great pleasure to correspond with
such inteHigent inquirers as may wish to be referred
to the authorities for any statements I have made in
the volume. There is one statement the truth of
which I cannot yet substantiate to my satisfaction,
though I anf persuaded of the truth of it.
I should be very ungrateful if I did not acknow-
ledge my deep obligation to my old friend Dr. Luard,
Registrar of the University of Cambridge. His
X NORWICH.
unrivalled knowledge of mediaeval history, his un-
bounded generosity in imparting it, and his wonder-
fully quick eye have assisted me in my ignorance,
and saved me from error when all other extraneous
help had left me where I was.
SCARNING,
June II, 1884.
CONTENTS.
• • • • • • • «
• • • 9 1
• • • • • •
CHAPTBR
Introductory
I. How THE Day Broke
II. Stormclouds and Sunshine.
A.D, 669^A.D. 1070
III. How the Air BEGAN to clear. The Changes
A.D. 1070-A.D. 1094
IV. Herbert Losinga, Founder of Norwich.
A.D. 1096-A.D. 1 1 19
V. The Century after the Foujjdation.
A.D. 1119-A.D. 1214
VI. King Henry's Bishops.
A.D. 1214-A.D. 1278
VII. The Diocese under the Edwards.
A.D. 1278-A.D. 1355
VIII. During the Papal Schism.
A.D. 1356-A.D. 141 5
IX. The Fifteenth Century.
A.D. 1415-A.D. 1536
X. Chaos come again.
A.D. 1536-A.D. 1635
XI. For Conscience Sake.
A.D. 1636-A.D. 1691
4 • • • • I
• • • • fl
• • • • <
» • • •• • •
» • • • • •
> • • • • • •
• • • •
• • • • • • »
• 9« ••• ••• ••• «
» • • i
• • • •
• • • • • •
• • • «
PAGE
I
20
37
55
64
85
100
124
141
162
190
Xll NORWICH.
CHAPTER PAG It
XII. Onward !
A.D. 1691-A.D.1884 215
Note A to Chapter II.
The East Anglian Bishops in pre-Norman
JL X Ml X!#9 ••• •#• >«• ••• ••• ■•• ■•• ••• ^ a)^^
Note B to Chapter VI.
The Lady Chapel 232
Note C to Chapter VII.
Itinerary of Archbishop Peckham in Nor-
folk, a.d. 12S0-1281 232
Note D to Chapter VIII.
On some Suffragan Bishops officiating
in the Diocese of Norwich 234.
Note E to Chapter X.
Chronology of Changes in Matters Doc-
trinal, Ritual, and Ecclesiastical,
IN THE Sixteenth Century 237
Note F to Chapter XI 238
List of Bishops of the See 240
x^DiL^ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•■ ••' *4j
NORWICH.
INTRODUCTORY.
" Christianity entered not into this island like lightning, but
like light." — Thomas Fuller.
Sixty years before the birth of Christ, Britain was an
unknown land to the civilised portion of mankind.
There were stories, more or less vague, of the distant
isle, mysterious and awful — stories of treasure to be
found there, pearls and amber and, some whispered,
even gold, — stories, too, of a strange and terrible
religion, whose priests were a power greater than
kings. It was told that they chanted wild psalms
in chorus, songs and sagas such as had been handed
down from ages past, — not written words, but a
heritage which the memory of the carefully-trained
hierophants preserved and passed on, with now and
then some gloss or revelation added to the ever-
growing burden for successive generations to transmit
to posterity. They taught that the soul was im-
mortal; released from the body, it wandered else-
where, whither they could not tell. Peopling the
woods and deserts, they taught, were hosts of beings,
malign or friendly, that scared or solaced the settler
ik' B
2 NORWICH. [b.C. 55.
in his rough home. And above, in the infinite ether,
there dwelt the gods, — the god who sent the thunder:
the god who gave the sunshine ; one god, whose gift
was the mighty power of ready speech, and another
who drove men on in the frenzy of battle, and
whose thirst was for the captive's blood to moisten
his ghastly altar.
To this land, in the year b.c. 55, Julius Caesar
came. He landed in Britain, and did little more;
his success was very like failure. Why did he come
at all, is a question difficult to answer : the most
probable reply being that he came to chastise the
Britons for their active support of some Gaulish
people who had shown themselves formidable an-
tagonists to the Roman power. Next year Caesar
came again, and this time he ravaged and slew ; and
when much blood had been shed and much misery
wrought, he went back to Gaul, and Britain was left
unmolested for nearly a hundred years.
It was not till a.d. 43 that Britain saw a Roman
invader again, — then she did. It was in that year,
probably, that the believers were first called Christians
at Antioch. It was about the time that Saul of
Tarsus began his ministry ; when James, the brother
of John, was slain with the sword; when Simon Peter
was miraculously delivered from prison ; when Herod
Agrippa was king of Judea, and Claudius was emperor
at Rome, — that the first real conquest of Britain took
place. Aulus Plautius was the general who, with a
large force, made this great settlement upon our
shores. He stayed four years and he, too, ravaged
and slew ; but he did something more. In a strait,
A.D. 4IO-.] INTRODUCTORY. 3
he sent for help to the Emperor Claudius and the
great sovereign came to visit our island. There was
no resisting the force of Roman legions ; this time
thefy came not only to slay, but to settle. Britain, it
seems, was even then worth the cost of holding and
it was decided it should be held.
There is reason to believe that something like
religious persecution had to do with this early war-
fare between Rome and Britain. It is certain that
eighteen years after Aulus Plautius first landed, there
was a merciless massacre of the Druid priests and
their most devoted adherents in the isle of Anglesea ;
it is almost as certain that from that day the old
British paganism, in so far as it was a regularly
organised system of religious belief, and culture, and
ritual, came to an end. Druidism perished by the
edge of the Roman sword.^
From this time the organisation of Britain as a
Roman province began. Those poor forefathers of
ours had no such very hard lot of it; they had
peace and plenty in exchange for ceaseless war, but
the old Religion was gone for ever. Did the Romans,
or any devout and earnest men and women among
them, do anything to supply the need and to fill the
aching void which the heart feels when there is only
emptiness there ? Who knows ? Over those early
times there hangs a veil, and who shall raise it ?
Now and then it is hfted, as when story tells of St.
Alban, in the year 283, giving up his life for the
faith of Christ; and when early records prove that
' Tac, "Annals," xiv. 30.
B 2
4 • NORWICH. [ac. 55-
three British bishops, and one priest and deacon,
were at the Council of Aries in 314; and when
writers of the fourth century speak of Britain as a.
Christian land, not unaffected by the party cries
which from the beginning have been heard within
the Church's pale, and whose absence is no sign of
union, or zeal, or love. At any rate, before the
Romans released their hold of Britain, — gave up the
colony, in fact, and left it to self-government, — the
land may be said to have been Christianised. If
Christianity was not in some sense the religion of
the people, nothing was ; as to its form or ritual, its
purity or influence, perhaps it is well we know but
little about it.
The Romans left Britain finally a.d. 410, and with
their departure hard times began. It is always a
trial for a people who have been kept for generations
in leading-strings to be left to take care of themselves :
the better they have been governed heretofore the
worse for them when they are given over to self-
elected rulers of a lower stamp than their old mas-
ters ; and Britain, cut adrift from Roman guidance,
support and administration, fell into a condition of
anarchy.
Neighbouring people were not slow to make use of
their opportunity, so the marauders came across the
sea. The Angles landed on the east coast of our
island, and little by little they established a kingdom
known by the name of East Anglia,
It will be near enough to the truth if we say that
this kingdom extended from the Stour to the Wash ;
that it was bounded on the north and east by the
A.D. 4IO-] INTRODUCTORY. 5
sea; that on the west it was shut off from the territory
of the Middle Angles by enormous morasses, uncul-
tivated and undrained ; and that on the south the
Stour served as the boundary which separated it
from the kingdom of the East Saxons, which we call
Essex.
The coast-line of East Anglia has altered much in
the thirteen centuries that have passed since the time
we are speaking of, though less than some would
have us believe. It has altered most on the northern
coast ; and yet Brancaster was an important fortress
before the East Angles came, and Castor and Burgh
were mighty citadels on the banks of the estuary,
which needed only to be defended to serve as
bulwarks against the assaults of the savage invaders
who came swarming across the sea. Doubtless, they
came in at every little entry which the numerous
harbours on the Norfolk coast afforded. These have,
for the most part, silted up since those old days, but
in the fifth and sixth centuries their number con-
stituted the weakness of the Norfolk shore. Nor-
folk was a tempting prize for the spoiler : through
the length and breadth of it the Roman colonist
had planted and builded. He had made roads and
harbours, castles and towers ; everywhere the traces
of his occupation remain. Even at the present day
the ploughman, with his share, turns up here and
there hoarded treasures of money, coined, perhaps,
in some Norfolk mint less than a hundred years
before the Roman legions took their final departure.
But the invaders swept away before them the remnants
of Roman refinement, and spared no institutions and
6 NORWICH,
no creeds. What churches, or clergy, or schools,
existed under the protection or toleration of Roman
governors in East Anglia we cannot tell ; the ruthless
invaders stamped them all out, and for two hundred
years or so darkness covered the land, and gross
darkness the people — the light of the Gospel had
been put out, and a brutal paganism bore undisputed
sway. Then at last a better time began.
NORWICH.
CHAPTER I.
HOW THE DAY BROKE.
The kingdom of the East Angles was not founded
in a day. The Angles came across the sea in bands,
each under an independent chieftain. The several
bands moved like huge gipsy hordes, or like the
colonists of the Roman Republic, prepared to occupy
the lands of a people who were too weak to hold their
own, and were to be dispossessed without compunc-
tion and without pity. The old inhabitants became
the conquerors' bondsmen. By-and-by the separate
bands, or clans, or tribes, drew more and more closely
together, — though the Northerners and the South-
erners (the Northfolk and the Southfolk) continued to
entertain some jealousy of each other to the last, —
and there was a tendency to consolidate into a single
homogeneous body under a single head.
Outside the borders of East Anglia there were
strotig kingdoms with strong rulers who governed
them ; with these kingdoms the Angles had little to
do : tjiey kept themselves to themselves, and to their
pagan practices. Their defences lay in the vast
morasses extending from Lynn to Ely; indeed, as
far as Cambridge, and the swamps that stagnated
between the Colne and the Stour. While across the
dniy piece of high ground on their frontier, stretching
from fen to fen, rose up that marvel of human toil,
8 NORWICH. [a.D. 620.
the Devirs Dyke — a stupendous rampart serving to
keep out the marauders who might be induced to
" lift " the flocks and herds, but would find it very
hard to escape with their spoil over so huge a barrier.
Thus it came to pass that for 150 years or more the
East Angles were a people apart We know very
little of them or their doings — how they lived or what
they believed. Christians they certainly were not;
nay, they made a clean sweep of all that remained of
the old Christianity — it vanished! Hence, when
Augustine, the apostle of England, landed in Kent
in 597, East Anglia cared nothing for his coming:
the Gospel did not overpass the barrier of swamp
and fen. The Devil's Dyke helped to keep out the
light of the truth. When Augustine died in May,
605, and King -^thelbert, his royal convert, followed
him to the grave eleven years after (February 24,
616) ; and Eadbald was king of Kent, and was showing
signs of an evil mind ; and the mission, begun so
auspiciously, seemed on the point of collapsing, — it
is small wonder that Augustine's successor at Canter-
bury, Archbishop Laurence, felt his heart fail. Just
when he was tempted to forsake his post and let the
Saxons fall back into their paganism, fresh encourage-
ment came.
When -^thelbert died, there was a king of East
Anglia named Redwald, who had grown to be a
power outside the limits of his own narrow borders,
for he was chosen Bretwalda, as men then called
the Chief Ruler in England. Redwald had been a
pagan; but, for what seem to have been reasons
of state, when -^thelbert was dying or was dead,
A.D. 631.] HOW THE DAY BROKE. 9
Redwald made a journey into Kent, and there
accepted baptism. On his return into his own
land he proved but a half-hearted convert, and
he "halted between two opinions," — between the
old heathen practices and the new faith which he
had been led to embrace, or at least, to profess.
His wife was a woman of strong will, and she clung
to the old gods, and King Redwald's nobles were all
for the old gods too, and it ended by the king going
wrong. But he did one good thing in his time,
which prepared the way for the better days that were
coming : he stood by his friend. Prince Edwin, who
had trusted himself to Redwald's honour ; and, when
powerful foes tried to bribe and to scare him that he
should betray the young prince, he scorned to lend
himself to treachery, and he drew his sword against
his friend's enemies and helped him to recover his
throne. However, East Anglia was none the less
pagan, and continued so as long as Redwald lived
and for some years after, even though he was Bret-
walda, and the first Christian king that ruled over the
land. When he died, Eorpwald, his son, succeeded
him as king ; but Prince Edwin became Bretwalda,
or Chief Ruler, and a true Christian he was. After
awhile, Edwin tried hard to induce Eorpwald and his
people to accept the Gospel, and Eorpwald would
gladly have done so, but again the East Anglian
nobles fiercely resisted the change ; and when King
Eorpwald, with much earnestness and zeal, tried to
bring them to a better mind, one of them, Ricbert by
name, smote the king that he died, and there was
much trouble in East Anglia, and for three years the
lO NORWICH. [a.D. 631.
pagans had it all their own way. At last (a.d. 631),
SiGEBERT, half-brother to Eorpwald, found himself
king of East Anglia. The new king had passed some
years in what is now called France, and there he had
lived among Christian men of piety and learning, and
had learned all that the best teachers of the time could
teach him, insomuch that they called him Sigebert
THE Learned. When he came to his kingdom he
proved too strong for the rude chiefs, and he turned
not to the right hand nor the left when he once
resolved that his people should be brought to the
knowledge of the Christ.
Augustine had now been dead more than thirty
years, and his three successors had in like manner
passed away. Honorius now filled the place of chief
ruler of the Church in England, — a man of wisdom
and devotion, and with an apostle's heart Just as
Sigebert began to reign, there landed upon our island
a certain Burgundian clergyman whose spirit God
had moved to cross the seas and preach the Gospel
among the heathen in Britain. This man went to
Archbishop Honorius, and left himself in the Arch-
bishop's hands to do with him as he would; and
Honorius, when he found what temper he was of,
sent the new-comer to King Sigebert. His name was
Felix. Sigebert was glad, and after awhile he would
have Felix become the one bishop in his kingdom ;
and forasmuch as at this time the Southfolk were
of more account than the Northfolk, and foras-
much, too, as it was well that the bishop of East
Anglia should have his home where there was
most doing— most trade and commerce, and large
A.D. 647-] HOW THE DAY BROKE. II
gatherings of people, — it was settled that the site of the
bishop's dwelling, and the chair on which he sat
when he spoke with authority, and the home centre
from which he did his work, should be fixed at what
was then a flourishing seaport. Thus Felix, the
Burgundian missionary, became Bishop of Dunwich,
and Dunwich was the first bishopric in East Anglia.
Felix was for seventeen years bishop of Dunwich,
and he showed conspicuous wisdom in the conduct
of his diocese. He did not trust to preaching only :
a man of learning himself, he knew what a mighty
power education may become, if it be really religious
education ; and he set up a school in East Anglia,
taught, it would seem, by those who were engaged
with him in the work of evangelising, the pagan
people, and this school soon got a great name.^
Bishop Felix met with extraordinary success as an
evangeliser, and his fame travelled far. Sigebert's
reign was brief, and after him king succeeded king in
East Anglia with sad rapidity ; yet Felix stayed at
his post, and his work continued to prosper. The best
proof of his success was that, spite of all the strife
and warfare, the people of East Anglia became more
and more content and happy; and for seventeen years
Felix was practically the chief ruler : for, though the
kings rose and fell, fought and fled and died, Felix
^ I cannot doubt that this school was the '*coetum non mini>
mum monachorum," which the traditions of a later age credited
Felix with having raised at Saham-Tony (Norfolk). The story
of the exciting boai-race between the monks of Ramsey and
those of Ely on Soham Mere (in Cambridgeshire), for the bones
of St. Felix, may be read in the *'Hist. Ramesiensis,*' apud
Gale, Scriptores xv. p. 437.
12 NORWICH. [a.D. 631-647.
continued to be the counsellor and adviser of them,
each and all, and they looked up to him, and none
doubted but that he would be their most powerful
supporter if they could gain his friendship.
And thus, as I have said, the fame of this East
Anglian bishop spread abroad into other lands, and
they whose hearts were warm with zeal for good
things desired to see Felix, and to learn the secret
of his success, and to hear his voice and receive his
counsel. Among these, there came from across the
sea one Fursey, an Irishman, and with him came two
of his brethren, Fullan and Ultan by name, and two
priests, who were called Gobban and Dicul. Fursey
was a monk ; that is, he was one who had bound
himself by a vow to give his whole life to the service
of God, and he had set out with his little company
from their own country to help Bishop Felix in
spreading the knowledge of the Gospel.
In those days to be a monk meant something
very different from what it got to mean in the after-
time ; and Fursey and his friends were not the men
to shrink from toil and hardship. Five-and-twenty
miles from Dunwich, as the crow flies, on the edge of
what is now called Breydon Water, a small tract of
land rose in those days a few feet above the wide
expanse of mud and ooze which surrounded it on all
sides, and which, even to this day, makes the district
at low tide appear drearily desolate and forbidding.
During the Roman occupation a fortress had been
built here by the great conquerors, in which a
strong garrison was maintained to hold in check
the pirates (who were ready to work havoc upon the
A.D. 631-647-] HOW THE DAY BROKE. 1 3
shipping at sea) and to overawe the turbulence of
refractory subjects on land. The Romans had called
it Garianonum, but it had long ago become a mere
lonely ruin. The Angles had never dreamt of keeping
up the vast fortifications and massive walls; they
called the place Cnobbesburgh, and we know it now
as Burgh Castle. In Bishop Felix's days it must
have been as wild and cheerless a spot as could be
found. This place Fursey fixed his eyes upon, and
begged that he might be permitted to go and dwell
there. For the busy haunts of the multitude, their
buying and selling, their intrigues and strife, their
comforts, and ease, and corrupting luxury, — Fursey,
and such as he — pledged to lead the higher life —
looked upon these as fraught with danger to the soul.
Let the bishop — the ruler of God's people — live
where he might, but the monk must live away from
the world, and turn his back upon it. So Fursey
went his way to Cnobbesburgh, and there from the
masonry of the old Roman walls that were crumbling
he built a house for such as wished to retire from the
cares and temptations of the world, and serve God
more strictly than elsewhere it was possible. It was
probably a little before this that King Sigebert too,
sick of all the quarrels and strife from which there
seemed to be no escape, turned his back upon the
world, resigned his crown, and hid himself in another
retreat at a place which then was called Bederics-
worth, but which afterwards gained the name of
St. Edmondsbury. These two houses are said to
have been the first two Monasteries in East Anglia,
but they very little resembled the grand establish-
14 NORWICH. [a.D. 652.
ments of the after-time. They can have had very
little to attract the frivolous or the insincere, and
the life these recluses led was hard, laborious, and
painful. The famous Rule of St, Benedict had only
found its way into Britain about thirty years before
Bishop Felix's day, and the Angles were as yet quite
unprepared for such an institution as a monastery.
Bishop Felix gave up his soul to God on the 8th
March, 647, and was buried at Dunwich, where and
whence he had laboured so long. In his place they
chose one Thomas by name, born, we are told, in the
Fen country, which may mean hard by Lynn or down
near Ely ; in any case, he was an East Anglian born.
There is this notable about him, that he was only the
second Englishman consecrated to take the oversight
of any English see, the first having been Ithamar,
the Kentishman, consecrated bishop of Rochester
three years before. We hear very little of Bishop
Thomas, or, indeed, of his successors in the episco-
pate, for some time to come ; no one of them seems
to have been a leading spirit, but it is pretty certain
that they were quietly labouring in East Anglia, and
not labouring in vain. Meanwhile, the great chiefs,
who had been too strong for Redwald and his suc-
cessors, gave but a sullen toleration to the new creed,
and their hearts went after their idols; and they
would not consent that great tracts of land should be
given to such people as might be inclined to found a
religious establishment. So Bishop Felix died (647),
and Bishop Thomas (652); and one Bertgils,
who, for some reason, chose to change his name to
Boniface, followed. Btit still there were no great
A.D. 65S] HOW THE DAY BROKE. 15
churches, and no great monastic or ecclesiastical
foundations in East Anglia.
It was in the year 655, when Boniface had been
bishop of Dunwich three years, that a dreadful catas-
trophe befel the reigning house. Penda the Prompt,
king of Mercia, " the last unshaken and powerful ad-
herent of paganism among the Anglo-Saxons," ^ burst
in upon the Anglian land, which was then ruled by a
king called Anna; and the king went out to meet the
invader, but he fell by the edge of the sword, and
there was huge slaughter of his people. Then Penda
the Prompt (a.d. 655) ravaged the land, and set up
^THELHERE, Anna's brother, as king in his stead, —
for Anna had no son. And yet, says Bede, Anna
was " the parent of good children, and was happy in
a good and holy progeny," for he left behind him
four daughters, and they were all ladies of a devout
temperament and with a zeal for godliness according
to their light ; and they all renounced the pleasures
of this world and. retired to spend their days in prayer
and praise, and in the practice of gentle ministrations
and religious austerity.
Sexburga, the eldest daughter, had married Ercon-
bert, king of Kent, and when he was carried off by
the plague in 664 she became regent of the kingdom.
Wearying of the duties that devolved upon her, she
soon took refuge in a convent which she had founded
in the Isle of Sheppey; but after remaining there for
some years she joined her sister, Etheldreda, who had
got to herself a great name by her devout enthusiasm
* Lapp., i. 164.
1 6 NORWICH. [a.D. 655.
in founding, among the gloomy morasses on the borders
of her own land, the famous monastery of Ely, — a
marvel of grandeur even in the seventh century, and
out of whose ashes in the after-time rose up to heaven
that glorious pile which still amazes the traveller who
is passing by the iron road from Cambridge to Nor-
wich. A third sister, Ethelberga, crossed the
Channel and died abbess of Brie; and a fourth,
WiTBERGA, remained in her own land and passed her
days at East Dereham in devout retirement, but left
no great and abiding monument behind her. Nor
were these all of the house of King Anna who were
possessed by a yearning for the higher life as they
imaged it according to the belief of their times. For
Anna's brother, Ethelhere, whom Penda the Prompt
had set up as king when Anna was slain, had married
another devout princess in whose heart the grace of
God was working mightily, and her name was Here-
swiTH. She, when trouble came upon her, and it
came heavily, fled away and became a nun at Cfulles^
near Paris, where it is probable she had passed her girl-
hood, and had, with others of her kindred, received
her schooling. But more famous than all these five
was Hereswith's sister, Hilda, the great foundress of
Whitby Abbey, in the Northumbrian land, of whom
this is not the place to speak ; for, though she tried
to do some pious work amongst the East Angles, she
did it not, and of monasteries within the borders of
that land as yet there were none that had any great
name or fame.
When the queen Hereswith retired from the world,
she left her son behind her, for she had a son by
A.D. 669.] HOW THE DAY BROKE. 1 7
-/Ethelhere, Aldwulf by name, and he was king of the
East Angles. The impress of his mother's training
remained upon him, and the prayers of the saintly
Hilda had not been offered up in vain. The reign
of King Aldwulf was long and prosperous, and it
was the reign of a Christian king ; and when he died
in 713, he died at peace with all men,^ but he left
only three daughters behind him. As others of their
kindred had done, so did they ; they took refuge in
the life of the cloister. Eadburgh became abbess
of Repton, in Mercia, and Ethelburga and Hw.«t-
BURGA, the other daughters, were successively
abbesses of Hackness, in the Northumbrian land.
It was in the reign of King Aldwulf that the pope
of Rome sent into England another of those great
leaders who leave their mark upon their own times,,
and shape the lives and mould the thoughts and
habits of men for ages after they themselves have
passed away. This man was Theodore of Tarsus,
appointed to preside over the see of Canterbury and
govern the Church in England. He was in his sixty-
seventh year, but he had never had experience of
any parochial cure, nor, till his nomination, had he
even been ordained. Yet he proved himself a bom
ruler, and exactly the man that England needed to
bring into living and loving union the bishops in
the petty kingdoms into which our island was then
divided. Heretofore they had been doing the work
of evangelising in too great isolation, and they needed
to be knit together into a compact and well-disciplined
* His name appears among the signatories to the Council of
Hatfield, Sept. 17, 688. — Hadden and Stubbs, iiL, 141.
C
1 8 NORWICH. [a.D. 669.
body, " moving all together when they moved at all."
It was in 669 (May 27) that Theodore took his seat
as archbishop in the great church at Canterbury, and
it was seventy-two years since Augustine had set foot
upon our shores. In the inter\'al that had elapsed,
the vast extension of the area over which the Gospel
had spread its hallowing influence, and the mighty
force which it had exercised upon princes and people,
had wrought a prodigious revolution in the fabric of
society. The English bishops, however, still needed
direction, counsel, and oversight from head-quarters ;
pretty much in the same way that, in our own days,
the bishops cf New Zealand or South Africa look to
Canterbury for support and aid in their difficulties,
and are loyal in their allegiance to, and proud of
their connexion with, the mother Church at home.
But the English Church had become far more self-
supporting than any of our colonial Churches are,
and as kings had been among her nursing fathers,
and queens her nursing mothers, she had already
become very wealthy, and her bishops were among
the great ones of the land.
So, again, the educational work of the clergy, and
of those who were then their devoted and most able
auxiliaries, the monks — their zeal not yet grown cold;
their faith not clouded ; their hearts aglow with the
consuming fire of love and the flame of enthusiasm, —
the educational work, I say, had produced unexampled
effects. Everywhere, by this time, the Gospel had
been received with gladness of heart, and it had
become easy to find Englishmen quite fitted for the
episcopal office. The danger was now lest the work
J
A.D. 673-] HOW THE DAY BROKE. 19
which had grown so rapidly should prove more than
the bishops could do efficiently: in other words,
there was need of more bishops ; need of that which
we of late have been compelled to think much
about — the sub-division of the English dioceses. One
of the first things which Theodore set himself to
provide for was this very object, and he carried it
out on a large scale. Among other dioceses, that of
DuNWiCH was divided into two; for Bisi, the bishop,
was old, and his journeys told upon him, and
he felt unequal to his work. Theodore, taking
counsel with Aldwulf the king, suffered Bisi to
lay down his office, and in his room he consecrated
two bishops — one to labour among the Southfolk
from the old centre at Dunwich, and one to be
bishop among the Northfolk from a new centre,
Elmham, in the heart of the country, where formerly
a Roman magistrate had had his seat of government
on high ground, and where there still existed some
extensive remnants of the old Roman grandeur.
Here, in the year a.d. 673, Bedwin was consecrated
bishop over the northern half of the original East
Anglian diocese, while Acci, or, as some ^all him,
Em, was appointed to preside over the southern
half and to take the place of bishop at Dunwich,
with a less unwieldly bishopric than Bisi and his pre-
decessors had administered heretofore. This came to
pass less than seventy-one years after Augustine fell
asleep at Canterbury, and little more than 260 years
after the Roman legions left our forefathers to defend
themselves against the heathen.
c 2
20 NORWICH. [a.D. 669,
CHAPTER II.
STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE.
When Archbishop Theodore landed in Kent in
May, 669, he knew that he had no time to lose ; his
youth was past, and the night in which no man can
work was drawing nigh. We are told that in that
same year, 669, the archbishop made a visitation of
all England, and, it is added, he was the first prelate
to whom all the English bishops made submission,
acknowledging him as their primate and head.
In those days people were more easily governed
than now ; it was an age when " the man that could
rule and dare not lie " found the masses willing to
submit to his sway, the yearning to be led was
stronger than the hankering to be rid of all control.
Outside the Church's pale, the petty kings were
scheming, plotting and warring each against the other;
within that pale there was unity of purpose and
unity of action. The one Faith tended to make
men, in their better moments, of one mind. Thus
it came to pass that the English bishops gladly gave
their allegiance to Theodore, and while the king of
Mercia to-day, or the king of Wessex to-morrow, or
the king of Northumbria a third day, might be laying
plots against his rivals, or taking measures to thwart
their ambitious projects, the bishops, under their
A.D. 673.] STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE. 21
head at Canterbury, held together as one man ; and
while discord and mutual suspicion were acting as ele-
ments of weakness and disintegration in the kingdoms
of the world, the ecclesiastical organisation, uniting
compactly together the several chiefs of the Church
for concerted action, was steadily and surely helping
forward the growth of a power which must sooner
or later become dominant for good or evil. While
Theodore was primate, all men were the better for
his wise rule. We are expressly told that those days
were the happiest and the most prosperous that England
had known since the Romans left the land. England
was a Christian country, heathenism had been van-
quished and abolished, the Cross had triumphed.
The bringing in of the Gospel in the days of
Augustine had resulted in a great religious awaken-
ing ; the coming of Theodore and his associates was
followed by a great intellectual movement. Schools
were set up in every diocese; children were taught the
languages of Greece and Rome, and the rudiments of
arithmetic, music,and astronomy; but a knowledge of
Holy Scripture was the basis of all education. With
a view to keeping alive an esprit de corps among the
clergy, and of ensuring unity of action, Theodore
summoned a council on the 24th September, 673, at
Hertford, at which all the bishops in England were
present in person or by deputy ; and at this council
it was resolved that every year a general synod should
be held at a place called Clovesho,^ at which the
bishops of every diocese should attend. The grand
* It is not known where this place was.
22 NORWICH. [a.D. 673.
idea was not strictly carried out, — indeed, during
Theodore's primacy, no synod was held at Clovesho
at all ; yet from this time we may certainly date that
practice of frequent assemblies of the chief rulers of
the Church, records of whose proceedings have been
handed down to our own day. Meagre as these
records are, they are nevertheless sufficient to prove
clearly that, during all those centuries which elapsed
between the coming of Theodore and the coming of
the Conqueror, the life of faith and prayer and praise
was never allowed to grow quite dead in England ;
and that the bishops of the several Churches worked
together, on the whole, harmoniously. Of the bishops
of East Anglia during this period we know scarcely
anything but their names : indeed, the stream of history
almost flows past that little kingdom, guarded by the
sea on one side, and by fens and morasses on the other;
and while Wessex and Mercia and Northumbria were
engaged in ceaseless warfare for the supremacy over
all, which each aimed at, in East Anglia there was
that approximation to anarchy which is wont to grow
up among a people where there is no master-mind in
Church or State to stamp the impress of his own
personality upon the community. During a century
and a half after Theodore's time, the names of the
East Anglian bishops appear regularly among the
signatures to the acts of the National Synods ;' with
the coming of the Danes they disappear, and, for
nearly a hundred years, of not a single East Anghan
bishop is there any mention or record. Meanwhile,
it is worthy of notice that, where these" names do
occur, they are the names of Englishmen, and no
A.D. 866.] STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE. 23
nominees of Rome ; native-born Norfolk and Suffolk
men not ashamed to be called as bishops what
they had been called by their people all their lives ;
not men to give in to the fantastic notion that
a Latin quadrisyllable was a grander title than an
English dissyllable. All these bishops doubtless spoke
Latin as easily as a Belgian gentleman now speaks
French, but they^// like Englishmen, and their hearts
were with those who were of their own blood. That
they laboured steadily and with good effect is plain from
the fact that, when the evil days came, the plunderers
found so much to rob, and that they turned their fury
so often upon the houses of God in the land. But evil
days did come, — very evil days. Rumours of the wealth
and prosperity of our island had gone forth into all
lands, and the heathen people on the other side of
the sea were tempted by the stories which travellers
spread. The Northmen manned their ships and
sailed away to see if some vast booty might not be
gained. They came, and they met with a much
feebler resistance than they could have expected.
It is said they landed first in Dorsetshire in 787 :
they settled first in East Anglia in 866.
We read that in this year " a great heathen army
came to the land of the English nation, and took up
their winter-quarters among the East Angles, and
there they were housed ; and the East Angles made
peace with them." These were those terrible North-
men whom we call the Danes, and of whom it is
enough to say that they were really heathen, as the
Chronicle calls them. They had a religion of their
own J such as it was; a religion that ran exactly counter
24 NORWICH. [a.D. 867.
to the Gospel of Christ, the spirit that animated
it, and the habits that it tended to form. It was
a religion for rude warriors, and when it had helped
to make them that it could do no more for them.
But to that fierce creed it seems that these Danes
were true, and it may be — it may be — that our Eng-
lish forefathers, in their years of peace, had not been
true to M«> creed, and needed the fiery trial through
which, in the ninth century, their Christianity was
called upon to pass.
The Danes first passed the winter in East Anglia
in 867, and there they prepared their host for the
campaign of the next spring. Then they set forth,
and for three years they ravaged and slew. They
laid waste the country now known as Yorkshire,
Northumberland, and Notts, and in the winter of
870 they came back, and, as the Chronicle tells
us, they took up their winter-quarters at Thetford.
But, while they were away, the men of East Anglia
had gathered heart. East Anglia had then a Christian
king, and his name was Edmund. He abhorred the
doings of the heathen marauders and all their fero-
cious godlessness, and he persuaded his own people
to follow him and to strike one blow for freedom
from the oppressor. So he fought a great battle with
the Danes near Bury in Suffolk ; but they were too
strong for him, and the men of East Anglia fled, and
their king was taken. The Danish chieftains would
have spared his life, but they would do so only upon
one condition, — he must renounce the faith of his
baptism, and abjure the Saviour and His Cross.
Thereupon King Edmund made his choice like a
A.D. 870.] STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE. 2$
brave and true man ; and the Danes bound him to
a tree and shot at him with arrows that he died.
Then they cut off the king's head and they went
their ways.
This is that Edmund whom men in the after-time
reverenced as a saint of God, and who gave his name
to the place where he was slain, and which, since
those days, has been called Bury St Edmund's. This
is that Edmund whose name was given to many another
house of God in East Anglia, and whose picture may
still be seen painted on many a rood-screen — as it
was once frequently to be seen on the church walls—
to the intent that those who came after might be
reminded of the story of the king's glorious end, and
be stimulated to follow the example of him who had
preferred death to denying his Lord.
There must have been something of the nature of
a religious war* in this revolt of the East Anglians
from the domination of the Danes. The story of
King Edmund's death points this way ; and perhaps
the king had stirred up his people by telling them it
was a scandal for Christian men to be the servants of
the Pagans. Be that as it may, the revolt was no
sooner suppressed than the Danes seem to have said :
"Let us make havoc of them altogether," and inafrenzy
of exasperation they began to burn and destroy as
they had never done before. The full force of their
attack fell upon the churches and monasteries. In
East Anglia itself there do not seem to have been
any important religious foundations ; but, on the edge
of the little kingdom among the swamps and dread-
ful morasses, four great religious houses had risen up
26 NORWICH. [a.D. 867.
where men in companionship were trying to live the
higher life ; where they were trying to cultivate the
arts of peace, though war was for ever howling round
them ; where they professed to teach the young and
ignorant, to proclaim the beauty of holiness, and to
witness for the grandeur of the Gospel of purity and
love in an age of cruelty, lust, and rapine ; where im-
perfectly and sometimes foolishly, — sometimes, too,
after a fashion that we have been taught to disapprove,
— they spent their days in justifying the works of
God to man, and became the centres of culture
and civilisation, — the pioneers of progress in their
generation. These four great monasteries were : Peter-
borough, founded by Oswy more than two hundred
years before this time ; Crowland, which had already
risen to something like splendour; Thorney, an
early offshoot from Peterborough, and destined to
become by-and-by one of the grandest of them all ;
and Ely, where two communities, one of monks and
the other of nuns, still kept up the life of prayer and
praise while ministering to the poor, the ignorant,
and the sorrowing. All these four great houses did
the Danes — because they were religious institutions —
ruthlessly destroy; and that which the Chronicle says
of one is true of all : — " They came and burned and
beat it down, slew the abbot and monks and all that
they found there. And that place, which before was
full rich, they reduced to nothing."
This was the first great suppression of the monas-
teries in England, and, as far as East Anglia was
concerned, it was as complete and unsparing as that
which followed seven centuries after.
A.D. 871.] STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE. 27
It was during the year after the pillage of the
monasteries that Alfred — deservedly called The
Great — became king of Wessex by the death of his
brother ^thelred.
Alfred was then 22 years old, but he had already
done enough to make all men regard him as the one
hope of his people and the only man who, under
God, could be their leader and champion in the
struggle that had now begun in earnest against the
Danes. This is not the place to say much about
King Alfred — the hero king who rises out of the
mists of bygone centuries as a figure of colossal
proportions, and who, when all the mists are cleared
away, still stands forth as the Christian ruler of his
people, large of heart and clear of brain and dauntless
in courage, with a patriot's love and zeal for England's
welfare. But it must be told that for eight years after
the first suppression of the monasteries, as I have
called it, which marks an era in the history of East
Anglia, there was ceaseless war between Alfred and
the Danes, whose king was Guthorm, and that this
warfare came to a close at last by a peace that was
made at Wedmore in Somersetshire about the middle
of June, 878. The terms of the peace were that
Guthorm the Dane was to leave Wessex and was to
keep East Anglia, together with a large portion of
other territory north of the Humber and south of the
Stour, and leave the rest of England to Alfred and
those who stood by him. But the most memorable
condition of the peace was that Guthorm the Dane
should give up his heathenism and accept the Gospel
as the religion of his people. Accordingly, when the
28 NORWICH. [a.D. 890.
peace was made, Guthorm was baptised into the
Faith of Christ, and Alfred stood as his godfather,
and he took the new name of Athelstan. Once
during his latter years he broke the peace which he
had made, but it seems it was only once, and we know
not the cause. For ten years he ruled as king, and
he died in 890. "He abode in East Anglia" the
Chronicle says, and it adds significantly, "he first
settled t\i2X country."
For thirty years and more after Guthorm-Athel-
stan's death, East Anglia was wholly Danish, and
only rare notices occur of what was going on within
her borders. We hear nothing of the Christian
bishops who ruled over the diocese, but it is almost
certain that Christianity, so far from declining, became
more and more generally accepted ; and that after a
certain rough fashion the Danes became evangelised,^
and that churches continued to be built, and even
some monasteries were revived. We hear no more
of any bishop of Dunwich ; it is probable that the
town seriously declined in prosperity and importance
during the Danish occupation and that the incursions
of the sea wrought tremendous loss to the trade and
shipping. Meanwhile the position of Elmham in
the middle of Norfolk gave it great advantage as the
site for a bishop's see, and when the East Anglian
bishops once more come before us in the records,
they are bishops of Elmham and as such apparently
bishops of the whole of East Anglia.
The Danish power received a tremendous reverse
^ Odo, Danstan*s predecessor in the archbishopric of Can-
erbury, was a Dane.
A.D. 921.] STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE. 29
just fifty years after the cruel raid against the monas-
teries. It was the great Alfred's son, Edward the
Elder, who smote them in the year 921, and he
brought them under subjection, and firom that time
East Anglia became English once more. Soon after
this event we meet again with the name of an feast
Anglian bishop, and a notable man he was. Deodred,
or Theodred, was bishop of London as early as 926,
and he continued to fill that see as late as 95 1 ; but
London was not the only see over which he presided.
He seems to have been bishop of Elmham as well,^
and when he died he made certain bequests to his
eastern diocese in his will, which is still preserved.
In this will he speaks of the Minster in connexion
with HoxNE in Suffolk, " at my bishopric," but it is
not known where the Minster was. While eodred
was bishop, that great revival of monasticism began
all over England which was destined to work such
momentous changes in the social and intellectual life
of our fathers during the centuries that followed.
The Danish suppression had produced very important
results. In many cases there had been frightful
slaughter of the monks ; in others there had been
time for them to escape, though always there had
been ruthless pillage and devastation. The churches
* See Kemble in the "Proceedings of the Arch. Inst.," 184,
p. 53. Deodred is clearly the Bishop of London who was
found fault with by the Londoners for spending so much money
on a shrine over St. Edmund's body at Bury. They were
jealous of the favour shown to the eastern diocese. Malmesbury,
G. P., p. 154. As to one bishop holding two sees, Dunstan
himself, six years after the death of Deodred, held the bishopric
of Worcester with that of London.
3© NORWICH. [a.D. 921.
and other monastic buildings had sometimes been left
standing (when the flames had been more merciful
than the robbers), and in a few cases even the libraries
were spared; but the life of the monasteries had really
been crushed out, and the very name of monastery
was preserved only as giving a title to the ownership
of lands : the abbots and monks, if there were any
that called themselves so, being really secular priests^
and clerks.
In the tenth century a feeling grew that in the
then condition of the Church and the world, there was
a need for the revival of the cloister life and of all
the good that the cloister life represented, and soon
the revival came. The great leader of the movement
was iEthelwald, bishop of Winchester, and his great
supporter (though a far less uncompromising and
furious supporter than has hitherto been generally
believed ^} was Dunstan, abbot of Glastonbury, and
eventually archbishop of Canterbury. The struggle
for the revival of the monasteries was mixed up with
another struggle with which it had no necessary con-
nexion, — I mean the struggle to prevent the marriage
of the clergy. One of the reasons why monasticism
had so completely broken up in England after the
Danish suppression in 867, was thai there was no
^ As the terms will often be used hereafter, it may be as well
to explain here, that the Regulars were those who lived under
a rule {regula). The Seculars were those who were the worldly
clergy, — parish priests or others not attached to any religious
order.
* "Dunstan in reality seems to have been much more of a
statesman than of an ecclesiastic." — E. W. Robertson's " Hist.
Essays," p. 195.
A.D. 92I-] STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE. 3 1
uniformity in the Rules (/>., the Codes of Discipline)
under which the several monasteries were governed.
Any monastery might be founded with a rule of its
own, and the rules were very different in their strin-
gency. When Bishop -^thelwald began his revival,
he wished to introduce one rule which should take
effect in all English monasteries, and this rule was
the famous rule of St. Benedict, which, accordingly,
he introduced first into the monasteries of Glaston-
bury and Abingdon. When he had succeeded so far,
he turned his attention to the great eastern monas-
teries which had been so ruthlessly dealt with nearly
a century before, and by his influence Ely and Peter-
borough and Thorney and Crowland rose up from
their decayed condition, and were all re-established
under the Benedictine rule. There was a great deal
of strong feeling for and against this revival of the
monasteries, but it seems that the leading men in
East Anglia were in the main, in favour of the
monks, and that they supported the new order of
things.^ Their chief was ^thelwine, called ** the
friend of God," who, I think, got his name because
he showed himself the friend of monks, for he was,
in fact, the founder of the afterwards famous abbey of
Ramsey. The reorganisation of the great religious
house at Bury St, Edmunds was not carried out for
* "Edgar, who had been as indolent in the matter as his arch-
bishop [Dunstan] for the first four years of his reign, married
the widow of the East Anglian ealderman in 964, and in the
same year IVulstan-at-Delham, a thegn of the eastern counties^
.... bore to the bishop of Winchester the royal sanction to
commence his reforms." — Robertson, «. j.
32 NORWICH. [a.D. 92I»
nearly fifty years after this, and in the meantime a
body of secular canons kept up a form of religious
life in what appears to have been originally a conven-
tual building. It is probable that many of these
canons were married, and they lived as the canons in
our cathedrals would live now if their number were
increased to the full complement originally contem-
plated by the statutes of cathedrals of the new foun-
dation, and if residence within the precincts were
made compulsor}\ As for the general body of the
parochial clergy, they lived upon their benefices with
their wives and families ; but in Dunstan's time, and
in great measure in consequence of his vehement,
championship, a very strong prejudice began to be
roused, not altogether on religious or sentimental
grounds, against the marriage of the clergy, and a
passionate opposition, amounting almost to a persecu-
tion, was stirred up against all who were not prepared
to advocate clerical celibacy. The monks increased
in number and influence, and, as they did so, it became
more and more difficult for the advocates of Christian
liberty in the matter to hold their ground or to get a
hearing, until at last the family life of the old parson-
ages disappeared, and it was only ^after the final sup-
pression of the monasteries that it revived.
Meanwhile, during the thirty years that Dunstan
was archbishop of Canterbury, the tide of popular
feeling in favour of the conventual life continued
always rising. Monasteries grew up as if by magic,
some from their ashes, some in spots where no reli-
gious house had been known before. The conflict
with heathenism was at an end ; the world would not
A.D. I004.] STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE. 33
last much longer ; was not the thousandth year of
grace at hand ? As for houses and lands, who that had
lived through the troublous times, or looked forward
to what seemed likely to come, could feel much
security in the tenure by which he held them ? How
much better to surrender houses and lands to the
glory of God and the service and support of those
whose prayers and promises rose up day and night
with incense of perpetual adoration to the throne of
Heaven ! Just when this storm of fervour was at its^
height, a new swarm of Danes came pouring into
England. King Sweyn sailed up the Yare, and burned
Norwich and Thetford, and laid the country desolate
with fire and sword. He found a huge spoil in East
Anglia. We read that the churches were pillaged,
and the monks carried off, and their houses sacked.
Six years after, the Danes came again; this time
they landed at Ipswich, and the chronicle significantly
adds, that " they even went into the wild fens, and
they destroyed men and cattle, and burned through
the fens." It was worth their while ; for the great
abbey of Peterborough had by this time revived, and
-^Ifsy, the abbot, was a man of power and wealth,
and though his monastery had not grown to the
grandeur that it attained twenty years after this, yet
the abbey of Peterborough was even then a mighty
institution, and the Fen country of East Anglia was
looked upon as a kind of Holy Land. King Sweyn
died in 1014, and his son, the great Cnut, became
king. In three years he found himself undisputed
master of England, and before his death his sway
extended over Scotland, and Denmark, and Norway,
D
34 NORWICH. [a.d. I0I4«
too. In the very year that he became supreme lord
of England, he founded the abbey of St. Benedict
AT HuLM, — the enthusiasm of the cloister had mas-
tered the great warrior's heart. The new abbey, like
almost all those that had preceded it, was set down
in the heart of the Norfolk Broads, and the buildings
rose up from the ooze of the desolate swamp where
the sluggish Bure annually overflows its banks, and
for miles the country round in winter-time is under
water. There, in the hideous solitude, the number of
monks had increased so greatly under the favour of
the king, that in a few years twelve of them could be
spared without difficulty to take the place of the
canons who ^^'ere ejected as usurpers from the now-
restored abbey of St. Edmund's Bury ; and there to
this day the foundations of the vast monastery may
be traced, the enormous mass of concrete which
served as the foundation of the conventual church
still defying all the ravages of time. Meanwhile,
though Sweyn and Cnut were held to be good
Christian kings, — for their sins in one direction were
held to be condoned for the sake of their virtues in
another, — they seem to have ordered the affairs of
the Church after a somewhat high-handed fashion.
They appointed to bishoprics as they pleased, and
removed those whom they had appointed when they
pleased, and there was strange confusion. Thus we
hear of ^Elfgar, whom men called the alms-giver,
dying as bishop of East Anglia on Christmas Day,
102 1, though iELFWiN^ is said to have been appointed
* He had been a monk at Ely.
A.D. 1038.] STORM-CLOUDS AND SUNSHINE. 35
bishop five years before, and is expressly mentioned
as then beginning to build the church of St. Edmund
at Bury, which was not finished till 1032. It seems
that Stigand, whom the Chronicle calls "Cnut's
priest," was the king's chief adviser in all matters
ecclesiastical ; and when Cnut died, in 1035, Sti-
gand's influence did not at all diminish.
While Hardacnut, who succeeded his father, was
away in Denmark, Stigand did pretty much what
he pleased; and when in December, 1038, ^Elfric,
bishop of Elmham, died, Stigand intruded himself
into the vacant see ; but this could not be borne,
and for some reason that has not been recorded
he was thrust out of the bishopric then, and one
Grimketel was appointed in his room, who, they
say, had purchased his preferment with gold. After
awhile Grimketel was ejected in his turn, and
thereupon Stigand recovered the bishopric, and
held it till such time as the archbishopric of Can-
terbury fell vacant, whereupon he obtained that
too, and held it, with the sees of Winchester and
East Anglia, for a while. This was too much for the
king, and Stigand had to resign the East Anglian
bishopric, though he contrived to secure it for his
brother, -^gelmar or Aylmer, who was bishop of
Elmham when William the Conqueror came across
the sea, and those great changes began in Church
and State which by that time were sorely needed.
Very soon after the Conqueror's coming, Archbishop
Stigand fell into disgrace, and he and his brother,
Aylmer, were involved in the same ruin, both
being deposed from their bishoprics. This was in
d 2
36 NORWICH. [a.D. 1070.
the year 1070, just four years after the battle of
Hastings. In the room of Bishop Aylmer, the Con-
queror appointed his own chaplain, Herfast, an
Italian, to the bishopric, — the first foreigner who had
ever presided over an East Anglian diocese. But
the time was drawing near when the title of bishop
of Elmham was to pass away, as the title of bishop
of Dunwich had passed, and Herfast was the last
East Anglian bishop who was called by that name.
Thus with the Norman Conquest we have come to a
time when, in more senses than one, the old order has
changed. The " bridal dawn of thunder-peals " which,
the poet tells us, is wont to usher in a new era was
not wanting ; and perhaps it is as well that we know
no more of how things really were going than we do.
And yet as we look back upon all the suffering and
the wrong, the cruelty and carnage and oppression,
the treachery and grossness, and all the unutterable
sorrow, there does stand up before us, witnessing for
the Kingdom of Righteousness, a succession of men of
faith and prayer who, from generation to generation,
did something to raise the hopes and aspirations of
their fellows, and to do battle for goodness and truth.
They did not live in vain ; they laid the foundations,
and other men have builded thereon.
A.D. I094-] NORWICH. 37
CHAPTER HI.
HOW THE AIR BEGAN TO CLEAR.
In the twenty-five years during which Edward the
Confessor reigned over England, there were no less
than twelve popes of Rome, real or pretended. It
was a time of grievous corruption and anarchy
throughout Christendom ; for neither in the Church
nor in the State did men know how to govern them-
selves. Priests and people were lost without a per-
sonal head over them. Where the ruler was weak
or wicked, the people perished. During all those
shameful conflicts and wars and abominations which
make up the history of the papacy during the first
half of the eleventh century, and as a consequence
of them, the necessities of the popes had become
more and more urgent and their poverty extreme.
Meanwhile, the property of the Church in other lands
had gone on increasing in value, and the clergy, as a
class, were amply endowed. Whatever may have
been the case in earlier times, it is plain that when
William the Duke became William the King of Eng-
land, a very large proportion of the beneficed clergy
in England, Germany, Flanders, and North Italy
were married men. But the tenure by which a clergy-
man held his benefice was anomalous. The science
38 NORWICH. [a.D. 1070-
of law was as yet in its infancy, and the parson who
was inducted into a benefice and enjoyed it as his
freehold by virtue of his office might easily convince
himself that while he held office he might do with it
as he pleased. When a married clergyman saw his
children growing up around him, and knew that after
his death they would be unprovided for, his tempta-
tion was to deal with his freehold as if it were his
own, and to alienate from the Church all he could
lay his hands on.^ The temptation was too often
yielded to. We hear even of the sacred vessels being
made away with by needy priests, or their wives and
families. Nor was this all; the relations between
the patron and the incumbent of a benefice were
vague and undefined. The one had something to
give which was valuable, the other had something to
receive which was worth purchase. The one might
be needy, the other greedy, and the vulgarest bar-
gaining was apt to ensue. A man grown desperate
by the needs of an increasing family was willing to
stake his all as an investment in a rich living; or
worse, he might go to the Jews and borrow the
money which the patron in the benefice was willing
enough to receive. Sometimes, too, when the parson
had no capital and no means of borrowing, even a
worse compact ensued, and patron and incumbent
entered into covenants more or less open and avowed,
whereby the income of the Church was to be divided
* " Sed erant religiosi et dignissimi clerici, qui tamen thesau-
ros suos quos avidis adquirebant cordibus non ad ecclesise
honorem sed suis dare solebant uxoribusj* — " Vita Oswaldi,"
apud Stubbs, "Memorials of St. Dunstan,'' p. bcxxiii., n.
A.D. 1094.] HOW THE AIR CLEARED. 39
between the two, one share falling to the man who
performed the duties of the clerical office, ^the other
returned to him in whose gift the preferment lay.
The evil grew to huge proportions, and the better
feelings of the laity revolted against the increase of
these Simoniacal proceedings, whereby the posses-
sions of the clergy were being seriously diminished,
and the danger of the maintenance of the parish
priests being altogether alienated at last seemed to
be a real and pressing one. The root and source of
all the mischief seemed, to the ardent and reforming
spirits of the time, to be the marriage of the clergy ;
and when the remarkable revival of the monastic
life and the monastic spirit began to make itself felt
through all classes, and a wave of fanaticism passed
over Europe, which the genuine enthusiasm of the
pietists of Clugny and Camaldoli had first set moving,
a phrenzy against the married clergy began to be
roused, and speedily all the thunders of ecclesiastical
denunciation were hurled without pity against the
two classes who were proclaimed as the corrupters of
the age — the Simoniacal buyers and sellers, and the
priests, whose concubines (for so they called them)
were said to be the bane of the Church of God.
But abuses die hard, and in East Anglia the
monastic fervour of Dunstan and ^thelwald does
not appear to have aroused much respect. In the
century preceding the Conquest, though St. Edmund's
Burj' rose to importance, and though King Cnut
founded the abbey of St. Benets at Hulme, yet it
is clear that the monastic spirit had not taken so
great a hold of the people as elsewhere, and that the
40 NORWICH. [a.D. 1070-
parochial clergy were occupying an exceptionally
strong position.
Hitherto, the East Anglian bishops had been Eng-
lishmen with insular prejudices. In the strife of
parties at Rome they had taken no part. They enjoyed
a quiet independence ; they knew nothing of the
"habits of constant reference to the papal see" which
came among us later; they had something to lose
and nothing to gain by running backwards and for-
wards to Rome. If the truth must be told, it seems
that the last East Anglian bishops were not men who
were much better or worse than their age. The
charge of Simony that more than one of them
underlie can hardly be groundless : but in an age
when it was no bar to an ecclesiastic becoming
archbishop of Rouen that he had a wife who bore
him children ; when it did not hinder Thomas from
being archbishop of York, that he was the son
of a priest; when Milan swarmed with married
clergy, who obeyed Herbert, their married bishop,
it was no scandal that the last two bishops of East
Anglia appointed by the saintly King Edward, and
the first bishop appointed by the Conqueror, were
all married men. These bishops ruled over a body
of parochial clergy, scarcely, if at all, less numerous
than those from whom the bishop of Norwich now
claims obedience. In the county of Suffolk alone
there were at least 364 churches ; in Norfolk there
were at least 317. The passion for building churches
in East Anglia during the eleventh century appears,
from the Domesday survey, to have become almost
a mania. We meet with instances of clergymen en-
A.D. 1094-] HOW THE AIR CLEARED. 4 1
dowing churches which they had built, and bestowing
manors on those which others had raised. If there
was Simony among them, there was something better
too, and if there was buying and selling of benefices
and bishoprics — an evil obviously to be deplored, —
yet the inference is that the clergy belonged to the
upper rather than the lower strata of society, and
were therefore presumably on a higher level of intel-
ligence and culture than their flocks. Some of them,
we hear, were very poor : it was inevitable that this
should be so. Some of them, too, were unlearned ;
and among the ecclesiastics who had been bred up
in the better regulated monasteries and schools of
learning on the Continent there was a disposition to
make out that even the bishops were wanting in
solid learning.^ But, on the whole, things appear
not to have been so bad but that they might easily
have been worse ; and, relatively to the rest of the
community, it is probable — mutatis mutandis — that
the clergy, at the time of the Conquest, occupied
pretty much the same position, morally and intellec-
tually, that they do now.
Bishop Herfast seems to have been appointed to
' Lanfranc seems to have been given to a pedantic display of
his "new learning,*' and to have taken pleasure in showing his
intellectual superiority to other bishops. His conduct to Her-
fast, bishop of Elmham, must have been outrageously insulting
(Malmesbury, G. P., p. 150). He even sneered at Wulstan,
bishop of Worcester, for his "inscientia literarum" (p. 284),
though there certainly was no foundation for the taunt. When
Anselm died and a discussion arose about his successor some
affirmed that there were many Englishmen who were just as
learned as Lanfranc (p. 126).
42 NORWICH. [a.D. 1070-
his bishopric early in 1070; for on the 29th August
of that year he assisted at the consecration of Lan-
franc as archbishop of Canterbury. ^ When he himself
was consecrated we are not told ; but when, according
to the fashion of the time, a copy of the Evangelists
was put into his hands as part of the ceremony, and
he opened it at random to gain what was called a
"prognostic" of his acceptance by Almighty God,
his eyes fell upon the awful words, Not this man^
but Barabbas t How he received the terrible omen
we can only guess. Strong in the favour of the
Conqueror, he was not slow in asserting himself; and
though, at the very time of his entering upon his
episcopate, Leofwin, bishop of Lichfield, was deposed
and compelled to retire into a monastery because he
was a married ecclesiastic, Herfast was unmolested
and left a son behind him who inherited some of his
father's lands.
When Herfast entered upon the duties of his epis-
copate, Alexander II. was pope at Rome. As Anselm,
bishop of Lucca, he had been intimately associated
with Peter Damiani and the great Hildebrand in
more than one enterprise for the reform of the Church.
He was the first pope elected by the cardinals without
dictation or interference of the civil power ; the first
of that succession of extraordinary men who made
the papacy what it became in the thirteenth century ;
the first, too, who sent into England a papal legate
to settle affairs which English kings and English
bishops were supposed to be unable to settle for
' Stubbs'o "Registrum Sacr. Anglic."
A.D. I094*] HOW THE AIR CLEARED. 43
themselves. His election to the papacy was one of
the turning-points in the history of the world. It
was inevitable that Alexander should be a friend of
the monasteries, and he had not been two years pope
before he granted to the great abbey of Clugny one
of those mischievous exemptions from episcopal visi-
tations which produced so much evil in the after
time;^ the precedent was a bad one, but it was
speedily followed.^ It looks as if the Conqueror's
policy aimed at raising up the power of the abbots
as a check upon the formidable wealth, authority,
and influence of the bishops, and, as these latter
claimed independence of all secular jurisdiction, so
to make the former independent of episcopal con-
trol. Herfast had scarcely been established in his
bishopric before he was startled by the discovery
that the abbot of St. Edmund's Bury claimed to be
exempt from episcopal authority.
Herfast was very angry and set himself to resist
the insidious encroachment. Baldwin, the abbot of
St. Edmunds, was a man of mark and had acquired a
wide reputation for his skill in medicine, being
esteemed one of the greatest physicians of his time.^
He had many powerful friends, he had travelled
much, and had been ordained priest at Rome by the
pope himself.* His life from all that appears was
^ Stubbs's "Introd. to Mem. of R. H.," p. xxvi. et seq, ;
Giesler, ii. 419; Hallam, M.A. ii. 168.
' On the exemptions of Battle Abbey cf. Eadmer with Selden's
notes, p. 105. Freeman iv., p. 409.
' Malmesbury, G. P.
Lanfranc, Ep. xxx.
44 NORWICH. [a.D. 1070-
blameless. Nevertheless, Herfast did not shrink
from a conflict which at that time was unprecedented
in England, and he insisted on his right of visiting
the abbey and on exercising authority over all priests,
whether monks or not, resident in his diocese. On
Baldwin protesting against this claim, both parties
appealed to the king.
Matters were at this point, when the Revolt of
Maine compelled William to cross the sea in 1073.
The king, before he left England, had ordered the
parties to await his return till such time as he should
arbitrate between them, or (as he appears to have
added) till Lanfranc should decide the dispute.
Herfast knew that in Lanfranc he had no personal
friend, and without waiting till William should return,
and perhaps fearing that the Archbishop^s decision
would be sure to be given against him, he excom-
municated the abbot's contumacious priests, though
Lanfranc appears to have already started to settle the
quarrel.* Lanfranc had got as far as Freckenham, in
Suffolk, where the bishop of Rochester had a house,^
when he fell ill, and Abbot Baldwin was called in to
attend him.^ Shortly after Lanfranc appears to have
proceeded to Bury and given his judgment on the
question in dispute. Whatever the judgment was, it
did not satisfy Herfast, nor indeed does it seem to
have been wholly in favour of Baldwin. The dispute
was not ended, and a report of the case was trans-
mitted to Rome. Gregory VII. had by this time
succeeded to the papacy, and on the 20th November,
* Lanfranc, Ep. xviii. ' D.D.B. 381, a.
• Lanfranc, Ep. xix.
A.D. 1094'] HOW THE AIR CLEARED. 45
1074, the pope sent an angry letter to Lanfranc com-
menting severely upon Herfast's conduct, support-
ing the abbot against the East-Anglian bishop, and
assuring the latter that in case of his showing himself
refractory both parties must appear in person at
Rome.^ Lanfranc had no further choice in the matter;
but when Baldwin sent one of his clerks to Herfast
with letters from the archbishop in which he had pro-
nounced his final award, Herfast appears to have
lost his temper : he broke out into violent language
against Lanfranc himself, dismissed the messenger
with insults and personal violence, and denied that
he was in any way bound to obey any archbishop
in England, be he who he might ^ The sequel of the
story has not come down to us, but it is clear that
the quarrel proceeded to great lengths ; and in the
recriminatory letter which Lanfranc addressed to the
Bishop Herfast, he charges him, on hearsay, with
passing his time in dicing and other reprehensible
amusements, recommends him to read more and
trifle less, and adopts the tone of a superior scornfully
rebuking a dependent for misbehaviour. Such a
correspondence was not likely to increase a cordial
understanding between Herfast and the primate,
and it must have been after this business, and in con-
sequence of it, that Herfast allowed himself to be
betrayed into certain irregularities of which Lanfranc
again had to complain.^ Herfast, himself a married
man, seems to have thrown the weight of his influence
into the cause of those clergy who maintained the
* Ep. XX. * Ep. xxiii. ' Ep. xxi.
46 NORWICH. [A;D. 1070-
lawfulness of matrimony. He ordained one man as
deacon and another as priest, though each had a wife
from whom he was unwilling to separate. Again
Lanfranc interfered,^ and with no hesitation pro-
nounced that neither should discharge any eccle-
siastical function, but should in fact be degraded.
After this we hear little more of Bishop Herfast,
whose episcopate is memorable for the first instance
of the exemption of a monastery from episcopal
visitation, and for one of the -last instances of an
attempt to uphold the liberty of clerical wedlock.
He was present at the great council summoned by
the primate in 1075,^ and it was in obedience to the
enactments of that council that in the year 1078 he
transferred the East-Anglian bishopric from Elmham
to Thetford, which had become a central and flourish-
ing town. He died in 1084.^ His episcopate covers
fourteen memorable years of the Conqueror's reign.
It was only a few months before his consecration that
the Danes made their last raid upon East Anglia and
received their crushing defeat at the hands of Ralph
of Wader, " the one English traitor at Senlac " — ^who
had for his treason been rewarded with the Earldom
of Norfolk.
It was in the sixth year of his episcopate that the
last and most formidable revolt against the great king
was organised by this same Earl Ralph, and that
Norwich Castle was defended by his newly-we dded
bride for three months, and surrendered only on
^ £p. xxi. and xxii.
* Malmesbury, G.P. 66, n. I.
• Le Neve, quoting Wharton A.S.
A.D. I094] THE CHANGES. 47
favourable conditions at last. All through Herfast's
time the fashion of building churches continued, but
not one single monastic foundation is recorded to
have been raised. The fact, viewed by the light
which Herfast^s career affords us, is significant. It
was not till the days of his successor that the
king's commissioners went through East Anglia to
carry out the great survey, which affords indications
of a period of suffering and impoverishment having
been experienced among the towns of Norfolk,
during the bishop's term of office. Norwich had
seriously suffered from the great rebellion. Thetford,
though now the episcopate seat, had declined in
wealth and population since the Confessor's days;
on the other hand, Elmham had increased in pro-
sperity and importance by reason of the residence of
the bishop there. It seems difficult to understand why
Norwich should not have been chosen before Thet-
ford as the East Anglian bishop's residence, unless
it was because the stately Church of the Holy
Trinity at Thetford was the most spacious edifice
in the diocese,^ and appeared to offer itself as the
best existing substitute for a cathedral, or because
the king desired to show his displeasure at the part
the Norwich burghers had taken in the eastern
rebellion.
The king was away in Normandy when Herfast
died, and no successor was appointed to the see till
his return in the following year. When the great
assembly was held at Gloucester about Christmas,
^ Henry of Hunt, p. 165.
48 NORWICH. [a.D. I070--
WiLLiAM, called de Bella Fago or de Beau Feu, was
appointed bishop of Thetford. He, too, was one of
the king's chaplains. It seems probable that he was
married.^ He was high in the Conqueror's favour,
and was enriched by him as a proof of his regard.
He left his accumulations in great measure to the
endowment of his bishopric. He was one of those
who were present at William Rufus's first court, held
in 1087. Of his administration we know nothing.
Its period was fruitful in miseries for the diocese ;
the first year was a year of pestilence and famine,
and, when the rebellion of the Norman earls against
William Rufus broke out in 1088, Roger Bigod, from
his castle at Norwich, issued forth to lay waste the
country round, and to levy black-mail upon the
wretched people. For ?iwt short years Bishop William
held the see ; his episcopate was signalised by the
founding of the great priory of Castle Acre.
Since the days of Cnut no religious house of any
importance had been set ujd in East Anglia. During
the reign of Edward the Confessor it was not likely
that Monasticism would flourish while the province
was under the control of married bishops ; but if we
could believe what has been asserted, that towards
the close of William's reign a mysterious shudder of
repentance passed through the mind of the king and
communicated itself to his rough barons, we might
easily find evidence for such a belief in the setting
up the Cluniac priory of Castle Acre by William de
Warenne. Splendid as are the ruins of this foundation,
* " Norf. Ant. Misc.," vol. i. ; Mumford's " Domesday," p. 24;
Sir H. Ellis, apud Planch^, if. 283.
A.D. I094-] 'i'HE CHANGES. 49
it was originally but a cell of Lewes, the first Cluniac
house in England. The earnest attempt made in
the tenth century to throw new life and reality into
monasticism had met with a response on our side
of the Channel ; for the Cluniacs aimed at being the
reformers of the religious life of their time; and if the
flame that they fanned into a blaze for a little while,
soon died out and new reformers were needed to
take the place of the old, this is only what is always
happening. Each generation has its own work to
do, and must needs do it in its own way.
During the Conqueror's reign, there had been no
buying or selling of bishoprics.^ William had taken
a pride in keeping at his court a body of ecclesiastics
who were before their age in learning and intellect.
They were all men of wealth or birth or exceptional
culture, and in his appointments to bishoprics he
consulted only his own pleasure and his sense of the
fitness of his nominees for the posts to which he
assigned them. But William, the son, was a different
man from his father, and his needs made him greedy
and rapacious. With him the vile practice of selling
the great offices in the Church and in the State
came back again, and bishoprics were once more
offered to the highest bidder. The price was always
enormous, and only they who had inherited large
fortunes, or amassed them while servants of the venal
and profligate court, were in a position to treat
for the larger prizes. ^ When Lanfranc died, on the
» Stubbs, '* Const. Hist." vol. i., § loi.
• See Palgrave, ** Eng. and Normandy," vol, iv., c. ii. See,
too, Stubbs, vol. i., p. 299.
E
50 NORWICH. [a.D. 1070-
24th May, 1089, the king had no further compunc-
tion in dealing with Church preferments according
to his policy or his whim. For more than four years
the archbishopric was vacant, in the interval only
two bishoprics fell in, — that of Chichester, which was
retained in the king's hands for three years, and that
of Thetford by the death of William de Beaufeu
in 109 1.
How long the East Anglian see might have remained
without a bishop we need not speculate, for a candi-
date for the vacant office soon appeared able and
willing to pay such fees /or entering upon the ecclesias-
tical fief as the king thought proper to demand.^
This was Herbert, abbot of Ramsey, a man whom
" the shafts of truth feathered with scandal " have
not spared. Herbert de Losinga, for that was his
name, was the son of one Robert de Losinga, who
appears, late in life, to have assumed the monk's
cowl on his being appointed abbot of Winchester.
Of the family from which he sprang nothing is known;
but the bishop, in his later years, speaks of his high
birth, his great connexions, and his large resources,
with grateful pride. It is clear that, from his earliest
years, he enjoyed all the advantages of careful edu-
cation which were then to be had, and, to do him
justice, he seems to have made the most of his oppor-
tunities. His handsome person, captivating manners,
and remarkable conversational powers, fitted him to
shine as a courtier, but the scholarly tastes which he
had acquired in boyhood led him early to take upon
* Stubbs, i. 299.
A.D. 1094.] THE CHANGES. 51
him monastic vows, and he became a monk in the
splendid abbey of Fecamp, where, according to his
own account, he passed the happiest days of his life.
It is probable that he was already at Fecamp when
the Conqueror kept his Easter there in 1067, and may
then have come under the king's notice as a young
scholar of promise.^ Subsequently, while prior of the
same religious house, he seems to have been brought
into intimate relations with the king during his last
campaign ; and William Rufus, on succeeding his father,
straightway made him one of his chaplains, and ap-
pointed him abbot of the rich Benedictine monastery
of Ramsay. Here he remained three years, and on
the death of William de Beaufeu, he was promoted
to the bishopric of Thetford, as has been told.
He was consecrated by Thomas, archbishop of York,
and with him, as it seems, was consecrated Ralph
Luffa, the newly-appointed bishop of Chichester.
This was in the year 1091. Archbishop Lanfranc
had been dead for two years, and the king showed no
sign of intending to name a successor ; the revenues
of the see of Canterbury were paid into the royal
exchequer, and the estates in many instances were
bestowed upon the creatures of the Court.
For two years more things went from bad to worse.
Bishop Herbert kept himself quiet, but he must
have been shocked and horrified by the abomina-
tions that were going on. The country was given
over to cruelty and oppression of every kind. In
the Church there were anarchy and licence. Early in
> Freeman, iv., pp. 87 et seq,
*E 2
52 NORWICH. [a.D. 1070-
1093 prayers were offered up throughout the country
that God would move the king to make choice of a fit
man for the archbishopric. ^ Rufus made himself merry
in his grim way, and swore by the Holy Face of Lucca
that there should be no archbishop of Canterbury
save himself. A few weeks afterwards he was struck
down by a dangerous sickness, his recovery seemed
hopeless, he became agitated by terror and remorse.
For once in his life he relented, and on the 6th March
he nominated Anselm to the primacy. There was
great joy in England. Now, men thought, there was
hope of better times. But Anselm had no desire for
the exalted post which he was compelled to accept
sorely against his will. He made his own conditions.
Rufus gave a half promise that what he asked should
be acceded to. But the king recovered, and the evil
spirit came back to his heart. Anselm took his stand
bravely. What he believed to be right, that must be
clung to ; with the fear of God before his eyes, the
fear of man faded away. These two last-appointed
bishops, Ralph Luffa of Chichester and Herbert of
Thetford — they who, on the 4th of December, 1093,
had placed their hands upon his head and taken
part in his consecration — had they paid money
down for the bishoprics ? Had they accepted their
sees as if they were only temporal lords, and taken
the staff of office and the episcopal ring from the
king, who was a layman after all, and a plun-
derer of the heritage of God ? Let them look to it.
Both had flagrantly disobeyed the decrees of the
' Eadmer, pp. 15, 16.
A.D. 1094.] THE CHANGES. 55
Roman Synod of September, 1089, which forbade
that any ecclesiastical person should accept investi-
ture at tlie hands of a layman, be he who he might.
Let them humble themselves and repent, give back
to the tyrant what he had no right to grant, and seek
pardon from the pope of Rome.
If Anselm solemnly urged this plea, it is only what
we should have expected from him. One thing is
certain, that both bishops did actually offer to resign
each his staff and ring to Rufus. In the case of the
Bishop of Thetford, it was accepted, and the king
plucked the staff from his hand ; in the case of
Bishop Ralph, when he stood up, huge giant as he
was, and face to face with the furious tyrant, drew the
ring from his finger and tendered his staff, Rufus
seems to have bidden him keep what he had. Rufus
wanted Anselm's ring and staff; he was no nearer
getting them after flouting Bishop Herbert — was it
worth his while to repeat a bad move ?
The taking away of Bishop Herbert's staff produced
a profound impression . The contemporary chronicler
thought it worth his while to make a record of the
fact. The event seems to have occurred early in
1094, for Herbert took part in the consecration of
Anselm at Canterbury on the 3rd December of the
previous year, and his name is absent from the list of
bishops who assisted at the consecration of Robert
Bloet, as bishop of Lincoln, on the 12 th February
following. Unless there be some confusion in the
dates, he must in the interval have slipped away to
Rome. Here he presented himself before the pope,
made his peace with the awful Pontiff, and in April
54 NORWICH. [a.D. 1095.
he was at home again. On the 9th of that month
we find him no longer bishop of Thetford — he appears
henceforth as bishop of. Norwich.^ How the negotia-
tions were carried on, how the king was induced ta
sanction the removal of the see to the capital of
East Anglia, and whether it was one of those matters
which the papal legates arranged at their coming
when they brought Anselm his pall, it is idle to
speculate upon — we shall never know. This we do
know, that in the year when the council of Clermont
proclaimed the truce of God, and while men began
to buckle on their armour for the first crusade,
Herbert Losinga was bishop not of Dunwich, or
Elmham, or Thetford, but was known as bishop of
Norwich.
' I cannot withhold my suspicion that the accepted date is
wrong, and that it should be 1095. This is not the place, how-
ever, to argue out the question. See Cotton, p. 54, and note
the confusion in the chronol(^.
A.D. IO96-III9.] NORWICH. 55
CHAPTER IV.
HERBERT LOSINGA, FOUNDER OF NORWICH.
After the taking away of his staff, Herbert the
bishop passes out of sight for a while. The first crusade
had begun. Robert Courthose, the Conqueror's eldest
son, was the leader of that dreadful war, and had
made his peace with his brother, William Rufu^,
and sold his rights for gold. England and English-
men cared little about that first crusade, and in East
Anglia they were not likely to care more for such
a cause because Ralph, the traitor earl of Norfolk,
was one of those who took part in it. Robert
Courthose started from Normandy to assume the
command of the rabble of Crusaders in the autumn
of 1096. In that same year, Bishop Herbert
laid the foundation-stone of Norwich Cathedral.
During all the centuries when East Anglia had had
bishops presiding over her numerous clergy, there is
nothing to show that anything like what we now
understand by a cathedral church had ever existed.
The only notice of a "Minster" which has come
down to us is one which Bishop Theodred mentions
in his will as existing near Hoxne in Suffolk.^ There
appear to have been important churches at Dun-
wich, and at least one large one at Thetford, but the
* See p. 29.
56 NORWICH. [a.D. 1096-
notice of Elmham, which occurs in Domesday, leaves
the impression of its being the site of an episcopal
mansion in the midst of its extensive woods, rather
than a place notable for ecclesiastical buildings.
Bishop Herbert no sooner found himself esta-
blished in his see, than he set himself to supply the
want of a cathedral church. There appears to have
been an unimportant religious house occupying a
portion of what is now the cathedral close, and was
then called the Cowholme ; but its precincts were too
small for any such gigantic undertaking as Herbert
contemplated, and his first difficulty was to acquire
the necessary land. A site was, however, soon chosen.
The river Wensum in its sluggish course towards the
sea was stopped on the east by some high chalk cliffs,
which turned the stream for a while in a southward
direction. To the westward there stretched a huge
morass, whose boundary on one side was the river, and
on the other a slight eminence, called the Tombland,
a kind of spur of the commanding height on which
the great castle of Norwich rose. In the middle of
this low ground the bishop, true to the traditions of
the Benedictines, determined to plant his church.
The first stone was laid some time in 1096, />., less
than two years after Herbert had been consecrated
bishop of the see, and this at a time when the land
was groaning with exceeding misery, and the tyranny
of the king was impoverishing all classes. The time
might seem to be inopportune, but Herbert knew
that life is short, and knew 'that he must not wait.
There had been two dreadful seasons. The king
was oppressing all classes ; his treasurer was grinding
A.D. III9-] THE FOUNDER OF NORWICH. 57
the faces of the rich and of the poor. Money was
very scarce, but the bishop's own resources were
enormous. On the whole, it is probable that the
plan of the cathedral was conceived in its entirety,
and the vast foundations excavated as they now
exist, by the audacious architect at first starting. In
the absence of any serviceable quarry in East Anglia,
the stone required was imported from Normandy,
and a canal was cut from the Wensum, enabling the
vessels to unload their burden where now stands the
lower close. The works went on with amazing ra-
pidity, and the cathedral rose up as if by magic, its
extreme length attaining to 407 feet, without reckon-
ing the Lady Chapel, which has disappeared. Con-
currently with the construction of the church, a palace
for the bishops was rising on the north, and the mo-
nastic buildings for seventy monks were rapidly being
built on the southern side ; for the services of the
new church, and the gorgeous ritual which it was
intended to keep up in it, would inevitably necessitate
a large body of officiating clergy, and these must be
members either of a Collegium of canons living under a
Rule^ or a brotherhood of monks subject to an abbot
or prior. Bishop Herbert being himself a monk,
and loyal to the great house and the great order to
which he owed so much, there could be no doubt
who would be the ministering servants of the church
at Norwich. The cathedral was to be the centre of a
monastic institution, the monks were to be subject to
the ancient Benedictine rule under which Herbert's
own school of Fecamp was governed. The de facto
head of the house would be the founder during his
58 NORWICH. [a.D. 1096-
lifetime, though the prior was technically the ruler of
the community, elected by the whole body in chapter
assembled, and irremovable by any external au-
thority. The constitution of Norwich was almost
precisely that of Canterbury, and Herbert was scru-
pulously careful in providing separate estates for the
bishop and the monastery. While the building pro-
ceeded, the bishop had his hands full ; during the five
years that elapsed between the laying of the founda-
tion-stone and the roofing-in of the choir (when the
church was consecrated) prodigious sums of money
were collected. Rufus is the only one of the Norman
kings who founded no religious house, and who sys-
tematically pillaged churches and monasteries; yet
even Rufus is expressly said to have contributed to
the building of Norwich Cathedral, and his brother,
who succeeded him, gave money and. lands. The
citizens of Norwich, the great lords who held their
fiefs under the king, the clergy of the diocese, — all who
had but little to give, and many who had nothing to
spare, brought each and all their offerings.
Abroad, the crusaders were slaying and plundering ;
Robert Courthose, achieving at last his hideous
triumph, and Urban the pope surviving it just fifteen
days. At home, a wail of suffering went up to heaven
from a people whom the pitiless taxes and the grievous
famine well-nigh reduced to despair. In 1098, nearly
all the crops in the marsh-lands failed, and next year
things were little better ; Anselm had been driven out
of England, and Englishmen had no champion to
plead for right and mercy. Bishops and abbots died,
and the king seized their lands and let them out to
arm j it was a dreadful time, and yet that stupendous
A.D. 1119] THE FOUNDER OF NORWICH. 59
mass rose higher and higher, the labour and the
revenues of a province being devoted to the one
great object which the bishop had persuaded himself
was the glory of God. Doubtless the organisation of
all this vast labour was a great boon to East Anglia.
If there was famine elsewhere here, at any rate, there
was work and pay, and in a time of much suffering,
depression, and scarcity, the building of the cathedral
came to the masses as a grand scheme for the relief
of the destitute on which all who wanted it might
find profitable employment. Thus the raising of
that stupendous pile of buildings, of which little now
remains but the church, must be regarded almost less
as an architectural triumph, than a colossal industrial
achievement such as only a man with a great genius
for the organisation of labour would have undertaken
or could have carried through. If the dates be
rightly given, scarcely five years elapsed from the
laying of the foundation stone to the consecration of
the cathedral for divine worship, and though doubtless
little more is implied by this than that the choir was
roofed over, yet even so, the rapidity with which the
work proceeded is astonishing. Nor was Norwich the
only place that benefited by the bishop's activity. All
through his episcopate he seems to have continued to
find employment for the industrial army that looked to
him for work and pay. At Elmham, though for long
the site of the bishopric, there had been only a timber
church ; Bishop Herbert built a worthier and more
enduring edifice. At Lynn, the immense church of St.
Margaret occupies the site and is the present repre-
sentative of an older construction which Herbert
raised. At Yarmouth, too, he built the largest parish
6o NORWICH. [a.D. 1096-
church in England; and even at Norwich, on the other
side of the Wensum, on a hill which once looked down
upon the city, but which has long since been bodily
carted away by the lime-burners, another church rose,
possibly for the use of the camp of labourers, whom the
citizens could not house, and for whom the high ground
would afford a healthy and convenient place for tempo-
rary habitations. Nor was this all. The Benedictine
order had, it was said, departed from the severity of
the great founder's rule, and the monasteries were not
what they had been, or what they should be ; and an
earnest attempt had been made to bring in' a reform
of monastic discipline : — that reform originated in the
great religious house of Clugni, in the tenth century,
and shortly after the Conquest some Cluniac monks
were settled at Lewes in Sussex, who were the first
bringers-in of the new rule. Up to this time, in the
east of England, the founders of any new monastery
had always sought out some forbidding solitude
wherein the recluse might be removed from the snares
of the world and its fascinations, but with the twelfth
century comes in a new era. The monasteries may
be said henceforth to take a new departure, and from
this time religious houses began not uncommonly to
be founded in the immediate vicinity of the towns.
Till the building of Bishop Herbert's great Bene-
dictine Priory at Norwich, St. Edmunds Abbey had
been the only monastery in East Anglia which was
not far removed from town life; but in the twenty years
that followed the consecration of the cathedral and
the completion of the monastic buildings that were
attached tq it, the great Cluniac priory rose under the
shadow of the mighty castle of the Earls of Warenne
A.D. 1 1 19-1 THE FOUNDER OF NORWICH. 6l
at Castle Acre,^ and another Cluniac house was
founded by Roger Bigod at Thetford. A Benedictine
house, subordinate to the Abbey of St. Albans, was
built by Roger Bigod's daughter and her husband
William de Albini ^ at Wymondham, and cells or sub-
sidiary houses to the Norwich Priory were founded at
Lynn and Hoxne. The tactics of the monastic
orders seem to have undergone a change, when the
savage tyrant William Rufus was dead and his accom-
plished brother had succeeded. It was less necessary
than it had been for men who desired to live a
religious life to retire into the wilderness — Nay ! — it
might be that the work of the "religious" was to
prove themselves the salt of the earth, by acting upon
the masses and raising their tone j but new wine
cannot be put into old bottles, and in the next century
the work was taken out of the hands of the monks
properly so called ; then religious enthusiasm showed
itself in quite a new aspect, and the Franciscan and
Dominican missionaries went forth to rescue from
the kingdom of darkness the townsmen who were as
sheep without shepherds. The true evangelisers of
the masses were the friars.
Meanwhile, the example set by the bishop and the
great lords acted as a stimulus upon others in East
Anglia who had lands to alienate and money to spend.
Possibly, too, there were some who by contributing
* Though Castle Acre was founded in the episcopate of
Bishop William Beaufeu, the architecture of the remains proves
that the building of the church dates many years later.
* He died on All Saints' Day (November i), 1139, in the
fifty-first year after he had founded Wymondham Abbey, says
Oxnede, p. 5^ > ^'^'i the foundation dates in 1089.
62 NORWICH. [a.D. 1096-
to the building or endowing a religious foundation,
compounded for vows too hastily made to take part
in the crusade. Whatever the motives may have
been, or however it may be accounted for, the fact
is plain, that besides the monastic houses already
mentioned, at least six others were begun or com-
pleted during Bishop Herbert's episcopate.^ The
commanding personality of the man and the enthu-
siasm which fired his whole life impressed themselves
upon all who came in contact with him; tht furore for
building churches and monasteries which is so notice-
able in East Anglia during Herbert's episcopate must
have been largely the result of the bishop's direct
influence and example. But while throwing himself
with earnestness and energy into all that concerned
the welfare of his diocese, he exhibited that invariable
characteristic of true genius — the power of taking
delight in the most trifling pursuits of daily life and of
finding pleasure in duties which only common men
find " common." He watched over the discipline of
the monastery he had founded, personally directed
the studies of the young people for whose education
the convent school was carried on, was a frequent
preacher and a busy correspondent. He had a keen
appreciation of a joke, and, as a Latinist, was a far
more elegant writer and far more accomplished scholar
than was usual in his time. As a courtier, he was
high in favour with Henry I. all through his life, and
he appears to have been in personal attendance upon
the Queen Matilda during her last hours. As a lover
^ Binham, Aldeby, Bliburgh, Hempton, Heringfleet, Ixworth.
To these may probably be added Eye and Pentney.
A.D. 1 1 19.] THE FOUNDER OF NORWICH. 65
of books and patron of learning he was perhaps the
foremost man in England of his time. It was un-
doubtedly a bad time for literature, but such as it
was Herbert de Losinga added to it his share, and
with the single exception of the great Anselm he was
the only bishop of an English see who in that
generation won any place at all in the republic of
letters. In one of his enterprises he failed, and failed
signally. He attempted what his predecessor had
vainly tried to effect, to make the abbot of Bury
and his convent subject to the visitation of the
bishop of the see. But the wealth and influence and
astuteness of the abbot and his agents were too much
for any single bishop to cope with. The monks
gained the day in East Anglia, as they gained the day
in Canterbury a generation later. The time soon
came when the abbot of Bury got to be regarded as
a personage almost co-ordinate in power and influence
with the bishop of Norwich.^ Not for three centuries
was any further attempt made to carry out any visita-
tion of the great eastern monastery.
Bishop Herbert died on the 22nd July, 11 19,
and was buried in his own cathedral. His monument
is that glorious pile wherein his bones are laid : the
church whose vast proportions have admitted no
additions and whose main lines have been preserved
almost unchanged for 800 years — the most purely
Norman cathedral in Britain..
* I refer to the striking scene in Jocelin de Brakelond's
*' Chronicle,'' where Abbot Sampson wishes to take the cross,
and Bishop John of Oxford resists him on the ground that the
bishop and the abbot ought not both to he absent together.
64 NORWICH. [a.D. 1 1 19
CHAPTER V.
THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION.
When Bishop Herbert died, King Henry was in
Normandy. For three years he had been away from
England, and no English bishops had been appointed
in his absence. Robert de Limesey had died in
1 1 17, but the see of Lichfield was left without its
chief pastor. Norwich was vacant. Still the king
made no sign, and the bad precedent of his brother's
reign seemed to be ruling once again. In the spring
of 1 1 20, Geoffrey de Clive of Hereford died, and
Hereford was without its bishop, the king still absent.
In the autumn of that same year the weary French
war came to an end, and Henry turned his face
homewards. By the dreadful calamity of the " White
Ship " foundering he was left childless. Early in the
following year two of the vacant bishoprics were
filled up — Hereford, in January, by Richard, a clerk
of the signet, or member of the exchequer or chancery;
Lichfield, in March, by the appointment of Robert
Peeke, one of the royal chaplains. Still Norwich was
unsupplied.
Practically, the regent during the king's absence
was Roger, bishop of Salisbury, the great representa-
tive of the secular or statesman school of Churchman,
the man to whose genius both the Norman and
A.D. II45-] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 65
English exchequer owed their organisation, the un-
compromising opponent of the monks and of every-
thing that tended to increase the power and influence
of the monastic bodies. The great priory of Norwich
was a new foundation ; it had flourished marvel-
lously under Bishop Herbert, it was prospering still.
Bishop Roger would not have another monk-bishop
in East Anglia, but it seems as if he hesitated before
he recommended to the king the man upon whom he
had fixed his eye.
The bishop of Salisbury had, as his archdeacon,
Everard de Montgomery, a son of Roger, Lord of
Belesme, by Adela, daughter of Everard de Puiset,
whom he had married in 1082. He appears to
have been a devout • young man, inclined to
superstition, with a taste for relics and the bones
of saints. While the great minister was pursuing his.
course and governing the realm, he left the spiritual
regimen of his own diocese to his archdeacon, and
Everard was practically his vicar-general. Everard
became one of the king's chaplains, but there his
preferment stopped. There was a reason for this.
The archdeacon's half-brothers had more than once
stood forward as champions of the Feudatories, in
their attempt to throw off' the yoke which the kingly
power imposed on them. Robert de Valence, the
eldest of them, in iioi, Roger de Poitou and Arnoul,
earl of Pembroke, in 1103, had each lost his English
fiefs ; and, though humbled, they and their treasons
were not forgotten. Everard their half-brother
might well be allowed to wait ; and he had already
wealth enough and to spare. He was now nearly
F
66 ' NORWICH. [a.D. III9-
forty years old, and at last his time came. Bishop
Roger thought he would prove no friend to monks ;
at any rate, he was no monk himself, but a secular
in more senses than one. On the 12th June, 1121,
Eyerard, the archdeacon, was consecrated Bishop
of Norwich and soon entered upon his episcopacy. If
Blomfield's authorities are to be trusted, he, like
more than one of his predecessors, and, like his
great patron the bishop of Salisbury, was a married
man; surely a scandal and offence to Herbert's
monks in the priory, but it could not be helped, and
the bishop had strong friends.
Henry I. had contributed to raising this stupendous
church and the monastic buildings adjoining. The
king must have heard again and again of the won-
derful pile that had continued growing to larger
pretensions while he was away in Normandy, and
the very next Christmas, after Bishop Everard's
consecration, he came down to spend his Christmas
at Norwich, and thither the council was summoned
to attend. A royal visit was a heavy tax upon
the priory ; but the king had been a benefactor, and
fresh charters and greater gifts might come; and
there was much to do, for not yet was the church
completed. Of Bishop Everard's administration we
hear but very little. He added to the endowments
of the priory at Norwich, divided the archdeaconry of
Suffolk into two, and founded St. Paul's Hospital in
Norwich on a somewhat grand scale.
The old question of clerical celibacy was revived,
but the old laxity proved too strong for half-hearted
reformers. The building of churches seems to have
A.D. 1145-] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 6j
gone on but slowly, for the taxes lay heavy on the
land in King Henry's time, and in the following
reign all was anarchy. Then, too, the horrible
frenzy against the Jews broke out in every kind of
hateful cruelty, and stories are told of atrocities that
are shocking to read of. Among those is the story
of the Christian boy said to have been crucified by
the Jews at Norwich — they called him St. William —
which is only one of those curious fabrications which
are the natural outcome of the imagination heated in
the furnace of religious intolerance.^
Whether it were the evil fortune, or the rashness
and folly of his house that clung to him, we know
not, but as three of his brothers had suffered for-
feiture of their estates, so Bishop Everard, in his
old age, suffered the loss of his bishopric. A con-
temporary writer tells us he was deposed for his
exceeding cruelty. No subsequent chronicler repeats
the charge, nor is it easy to believe it Probably,
the cause of his being driven from his see was the
hostility which he provoked on the part of the monks
of the priory, who may easily have aroused suspicion
against him and made his position untenable. The
true state of the case we shall never know. The date
of his removal from Norwich was 1145.^ He retired
to Fontenay in the Cote d'Or; there he spent his
* Trivet [femp. Edw. I.] in his "Annals," gives no less than
/our stories of Jews crucifying boys. Florence of Worcester's
story of the boy murdered by the Jews at Bury is not included
in these.
• This is the date given by Rad. Coggeshall for his reHrement
from Norwich to Fontenay.
F 2
68 , NORWICH. [a.D. II45-
last years in carrying on the building of that famous
abbey, and there he died.^
Meanwhile, during the quarter of a century that
had passed since Bishop Everard's appointment to
the bishopric, things had gone on steadily changing
from bad to worse. The bishop of Salisbury, after
surviving the death of his royal master some four
years, was at last worried into his grave by the
savage tyrant who succeeded. There was no one
now fitted to preside over the exchequer as Bishop
Roger had done. Stephen never gave his ministers
a chance of managing for him, and his financial
position became desperate. Money was harder and
harder to get. The king had no friends. It was
probably in some time of special difficulty— it may
have been in hopes of exacting some large aid,
or in part payment of some enforced loan — that
the convent at Norwich was permitted to choose a
bishop to succeed Everard, whom the monks can
never have cordially liked, and probably were glad
enough to be rid of. However it came to pass, the
fact is certain that about the year 1146,^ the monks
elected to the vacant see their own sub-prior, a man
as unlike his predecessor in every respect as could
well be imagined. William Turbe, for this was
his name, had been an inmate of the monastery at
^ See a curious paper on thJS bishop in the **Norf. Ar-
chseol.," vol. V.
' The exact date of Bishop Turbe's consecration is
unknown. Gervase says it was in 1146 (vol. i., p. 130). He
assisted at the consecration of Hilary, bishop of Chichester,
August 4, 1 147 («. J., p. 132).
A.D. 1 1 74-] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 69
Norwich from boyhood. He had been brought up
under Bishop Herbert's own eye, had drawn in
the air of the convent with every breath, and was
deeply influenced by the spirit of monasticisra
which, in the twelfth century, exhibited some of its
best and worst characteristics lying very closely side
by side.
If, in the struggle that was inevitable between the
king (as the impersonation of political power be-
coming more and more absolute) and the Papacy
(as the witness for a spiritual kingdom where right,
not might, was to be supreme) it was becoming
imperative on all men to engage without shrinking,
there could be no doubt which side Bishop Turbe
would choose as his own. Bishop Everard had
been the king's nominee, a secular, a politician, a
man of the world ; under him all fervour and zeal
and discipline had languished. Now, peradventure,
a revival of the old order might be looked for. The
priory at Norwich had been under eclipse of late, but
a monk of Bishop Herbert's own training was now to
be bishop of the see, and the hopes of the regulars
throughout the diocese might well revive. It is plain
that from the first Bishop Turbe showed himself
consistently loyal to the traditions of his early life.
All that we hear of him conveys the impression of his
being an uncompromising administrator. He is the
only bishop of Norwich, during more than a century,
of whom we never hear that he crossed the Channel.
Unhappily, we know but little of those last nine years
of King Stephen's reign — if reign it might be called
where all was anarchy.
70 NORWICH. [a.d. II4S~
It came to an end at last on the 25th October,
1 1 54. Three months afterwards, Henry II. was
crowned at Westminster ; the bishop of Norwich
being one of those who took part in the ceremony.
Next year Thomas Becket became chancellor, and
in May, 1157, the priory of Norwich once more
entertained a royal visitor when Henry II. came to
receive the submission of Hugh Bigot, the rebellious
earl, and the surrender of Norwich Castle, which
thereupon was delivered into the hands of the king.
In 1 160 Henry crossed over to Normandy and
remained away for more than six years ; the great
chancellor meanwhile watching the finances of the
country and being to Henry 11. what Bishop Roger
of Salisbury had been to Henry I.
Hitherto, Becket, though he had been archdeacon
of Canterbury for years, had only been in deacon's
orders; on the 2nd June, 1162, he was ordained
priest at Canterbury, and next day he was conse-
crated archbishop, Bishop Turbe, of Norwich,
assisting at the ceremony. With the resignation of
the chancellorship, which followed very shortly upon
his appointment to the primacy, the quarrel between
Becket and the king began. In the autumn of 11 63
the breach had occurred, which continued to widen
till the seven years' strife ended in the closing tragedy.
The attitude assumed by Becket was the attitude
of a prelate, with what in those days were regarded
as advanced views on the rights and privileges of the
ecclesiastical office. His theory was that the clergy
should be tried only in the ecclesiastical courts,
and that, in giving over a clerical delinquent to be
A.D. 1 174'] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 7 K
sentenced by the laity, he was surrendering the
privileges of his order. At the outset Becket stood
almost alone. Even the pope gave him but a half
support. When, at the Council of Clarendon, in
January, 1164, Becket withdrew the small concession
he had previously made, Joscelin, bishop of Salisbury,
and William, bishop of Norwich, threw themselves
at the archbishop's feet and with tears besought him
to yield a point. Becket was inflexible, and from that
moment it was evident that there could be no neutral
ground between the king and the primate.
Bishop William, from this time, appears never
to have left his diocese. It was not long before he
himself was compelled to act with rigour. Hugh
Bigot, earl of Norfolk, had been guilty of an act
of oppression and robbery against the Augustinian
canons of Pentney, a house which had been
founded early in the Conqueror's reign by Robert
de Vaux, a subtenant of the Bigots. William de
Vaux, grandson of the founder, was prior of Pentney,
and, under pressure of the lord of the fee, had
been induced to surrender some valuable estates
to the earl. The canons protested, but in vain,
whereupon they appealed to Rome; and in July,
II 66, the pope wrote to Becket announcing that
he had excommunicated Earl Hugh and William
de Vaux. To publish this excommunication, in the
then state of affairs, was to fly in the face of the
king, exasperated beyond endurance by the deter-
mined contumacy of the primate. Nevertheless, the
bishop of Norwich did not hesitate for a moment.
Entering the cathedral with his pastoral staff in his
72 NORWICH. [a.D. II45-
hand, he mounted the pulpit and publicly pronounced
the papal sentence against the mighty earl, and, having
thus discharged what he believed to be his duty, he
went to the high altar, and, laying his staff upon it,
solemnly defied any man, king or noble, to take it
away. If he did not remember, he must often have
heard how, in the old days, when William Rufus was
making merchandise of the Church of God, the king
had snatched from the great Bishop Herbert his
pastoral staff, the symbol of episcopal authority. Let
the king that now reigned do the like to another
bishop of Norwich — if he dared !
We read that, after taking this bold step. Bishop
William turned his back upon the episcopal palace
— perhaps he left it desolate for awhile — and resumed
his residence with the monks in the priory in the
south of the church, becoming once more a member
of the great religious house, and living as one of the
brethren of the order. But not even so was he
satisfied. He called a synod of the clergy of his
diocese, and then and there openly excommunicated
Gilbert, bishop of London, who had become one of
the leaders of what we should now call the Low
Church party, and when menaces were hurled at
him and real danger seemed to be hanging over him,
he kept himself within the precincts of the Cathedral
Close till the storm blew over. During all this
business Henry II. was in Normandy; in March,
1 1 70, he returned to England after a four years'
absence. He was back again in Normandy in
June, and in July the reconciliation of Fr^teval
took .place. On the ist December Bccket landed at
A.D. 1 174.] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 73
Sandwich, John of Oxford, the king's chaplain, being
one of his escort ; on the 2nd he entered Canterbury
in state, and forthwith sent letters to the bishop of
Norwich absolving Earl Hugh. During the next
three weeks Becket seems to have kept up an ani-
mated correspondence with Bishop William, and
in a letter of the 9th December he expresses his
intention of seeking an interview with the earl and
of paying a visit to the bishop at Norwich, The
intention was never carried out : on Tuesday, the
29th December, the primate was murdered in Can-
terbury cathedral, to the horror and consternation
of the Christian world.
The one bishop in England who had stood by the
dauntless primate during all the long struggle was
Bishop William of Norwich. It .was over now and
the martyr's stanch supporter was not likely to
suffer harm when the tide of public opinion turned.
In point of fact, Becket's triumph was assured by his
wicked slaughter in defiance of law, and those who
stood by him in his peril shared in the honour which
soon was shed upon his name.^ Bishop William
survived the catastrophe just three years : he died in
January, 11 74.2 Three years before his death a fire
broke out in the monastery ; the mischief wrought
was considerable, and the business of repairing the
damage must have taxed the bishop's resources severely
' Bishop William's memorial lines on Becket are to be
found in Stubbs*s " Gervase," vol. i.; p. 232.
^ There is some question as to the exact day. Stubbs's
** Register," puts it on the 17th ; Eyton on the 20th ; Florence
of Worcester, August i6th.
74 NORWICH. [a.D. 1174,
and clouded his last days with anxiety. He can never
have been a rich man ; as compared with his great
predecessors and the five or six bishops who succeeded
him, he was a very poor one. In and for his diocese
he lived and died. It was nearly a century before
another monk was consecrated bishop of the see. In
the meantime religious life in East Anglia throve but
ill. In the second year of his episcopate the first
nunnery in Norfolk was founded. It was subject to
the Benedictine rule, and was placed in a com-
manding position upon a spur of the high ground of
Bracondale, then a suburb of the city of Norwich.
Here, as time went on, rose up one of the most useful
religious establishments in the diocese. The nuns
enjoyed a wide reputation for their success in con-
ducting a ladies' .school, and for centuries, — indeed,
down to the very day of the suppression of the con-
vent, — they retained the affection and respect of all
classes. About the same time as the nunnery at
Carrow was founded in Norfolk, another nunnery
was set up for Suffolk at Bungay. This latter house,
however, never attained to any great importance.
Bishop TuRBE died just in time to escape the
miseries that came upon Norwich in June, 1174. The
old Earl Hugh was once more in rebellion, and to
him came a force of Flemish knights sent over by
Philip, Count of Flanders, who landed on the Suffolk
coast and marched straight to Norwich. They set fire
to the city and plundered the wretched inhabitants
freely, carried off a large number of the principal
citizens and demanded immense ransoms, On the
news of the approach of the king. Earl Hugh led his
^1
A,D. 1175.] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 75
Flemings to his castle of Fiamlingham and there
made the best terms he could. He was required to
surrender his castles, but the remnants of the foreign
marauders were allowed to return as they came. Of
the plundered citizens we hear not another word.
Henry H. did penance at the shrine of Becket in
July, hurried back to Normandy to receive the sub-
mission of his rebellious sons, and in October Becket's
successor in the primacy consecrated no less than
four bishops to sees that had been vacant for terms
varying from three to seven years. Of the eleven
English bishops who had assisted at Becket's enthrone-
ment on the 3rd June, 1 162, six had died ; of the rest
only one — Bartholomew of Exeter — had had the
courage to stand forth as the martyr's friend and
advocate. The king was slow to fill up the vacant
bishoprics ; there was no saying what the attitude of
a prelate might be, when once he was in possession
of his temporalities. So, too, it was with the great
religious houses. The monks were saturated with
papal sentiment. To weaken their hands was only
common prudence on the part of the sovereign.
Hence, no less than twelve of the great monasteries
were kept without their abbots, the king refusing to
nominate ; and possibly the delay in appointing to
the bishopric of Norwich arose from the close con-
nexion between the last bishop and the priory. Be
that as it may, the Norwich monks were not called
upon to elect a successor to Bishop. Turbe till June,
1175. This time they knew their interest too well to
think of electing one of their own body, and they
presented to the king as the object of their choice
76 NORWICH. [a.D. I164-
almost the very last man in England whom Bishop
TuRBE would have wished to succeed him.
John of Oxford, the nominee for the vacant
bishopric, was a scholar of conspicuous ability who
had early attracted to himself the notice of the king.
Of his parentage we know nothing, nor of the cir-
cumstances under which he first gained the royal
favour. He was still a young man when, in February,
1 1 64, he was entrusted with a difficult and delicate
mission to the pope for obtaining his Holiness's con-
firmation of the Constitutions of Clarendon; and
when in the autumn of the same year Becket, finding
his position in England no longer safe, fled across
the Channel, John of Oxford was again com-
missioned to the court of the king of France, with
the object of prejudicing Louis against his distin-
guished guest. Failing in this, he made his way to
the pope, if possible, to thwart, by his diplomacy,
Becket's plans. Next year we find him engaged in
an embassy to Frederick Barbarossa, and present at
the Council of Wurzburg on the 23rd May. Later
in the summer he was again at the king's side,
occupying a position something like Controller of the
Royal Household. He is described as Clericus with
several clerici under him, but it is doubtful whether
he was at this time in any but minor orders. As yet
he had received no great reward for his diplomatic
services; but when, at the close of the year, the
deanery of Salisbury fell vacant by the promotion of
Henry de Beaumont to the bishopric of Baieux,
John of Oxford received his first preferment, and
was duly installed in the deanery by Joscelin, bishop
A.D. I I7S0 '^^^ CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 77
of Salisbury. From the pulpit at V^zelay, on Whit-
sunday, 1 166, Becket, glad to find occasion against
an old antagonist, hurled a sentence of excommunica-
tion against the new dean for usurping^ the deanery,
and another sentence of suspension against the bishop
of Salisbury for instituting him. It was a brutunt
fulmen. Five months after this, John of Oxford
was despatched to Rome, whither Pope Alexander
had at last returned.
During the next nine years we can trace him either
in constant attendance upon the king or employed
in foreign embassies, and when, in 1170, Becket
returned from his exile, it was John of Oxford
who was deputed to escort the primate, and
who saved him from the personal insults which
his enemies were preparing to inflict. All through
those months which elapsed between the death
of Bishop TuRBE and his own election, John
OF Oxford seems hardly to have left the king's
side. He was in attendance upon the court at
Winchester a fortnight before his own consecration,
which took place at Lambeth on the 15 th December,
1 1 75. His promotion to the bishopric produced no
change in his way of life; to the end of Henry's
reign, and even after that, he is conspicuous as a
diplomatist, courtier, and politician, and when in 1 1 79,
after the resignation of Richard de Lucy, who had
been Chief Justiciar for twenty-five years, the king
commenced his great reforms in the administration
' It seems that previous to his appointment one Arso had
been put into the deanery and had been ejected. — ^Jones,
** Fasti Eccles. Sarisbu."
78 NORWICH. [a.D. 1 1 75.
of justice, the bishop of Norwich was one of those
appointed Itinerant Justices to" co-operate with
Rahuif de Glanville, the great lawyer of his time.
Henceforth, till the accession of Richard I., he
appears to have been absorbed in his judicial duties,
though still occasionally employed as ambassador or
wherever his talents as a diplomatist were required.
When the fall of Jerusalem before the arms of
Saladin horrified the Christian world, and a new out-
burst of fanaticism urged people to set out to recover
the holy sepulchre from the infidel, John of Oxford
was too wary a courtier not to do as other men
did. He took the cross, /. e,, he vowed to go to the
Holy Land and join in the Crusade. He appears
to have given in his name in February, 11 88; but
he did not hurry himself to start upon his voyage.
Henry II. died in July, having appointed him one
of his executors, and he was present at the coro-
nation of Richard I. in September. During the
three months that elapsed between his coronation
and his departure for the Crusade, King Richard
employed John of Oxford to mediate between the
monks of Canterbury and the Archbishop in that
weary quarrel which seemed as if it would never end.
As might have been expected, the bishop's award
was in the primate's favour, and of course the dispute
went on as before. In the summer of 11 90 he started
in company with Archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury,
Bishop Hubert of Salisbury, and Ranulf Glanville,
the deposed Chief Justiciar. These three pushed
on to Acre, where two of them perished miserably
in the siege; the bishop of Norwich turned aside
A.D. 1 1 94.] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 79
to visit the pope at Rome, and there obtained
absolution from his crusading vow. With empty
purse, says the Chronicle, he returned to England,
and peradventure retired to his diocese. King
Richard, when he heard of his turning back, was
'angered at the bad example set, and took occasion
to wring from, him a heavy fine. Richard himself
arrived at Acre on the 8th June, 1191 ; on the 12th
July the town surrendered ; on the nth October the
king set out on his disastrous homeward voyage. As
soon as Richard's imprisonment became known in
England, the bishop of Norwich showed extra-
ordinary energy in raising money for his ransom, but
it was not till the 13th March, 11 94, that the king
again set foot on English soil. As for Bishop John,
his political career was at an end ; he is said, at last
to have done something for his diocese; to have
finished the cathedral, to have restored the ravages
of the fire in Bishop Turbe's time, to have erected
the infirttiary of the monastery, and to have rebuilt
the Church of the Holy Trinity at Ipswich. Almost
the last thing we hear of him is, that he was once
more called upon to support Hubert, Archbishop
Baldwin's successor in the primacy, against the Can-
terbury monks. This was in June, 11 98. In the
following April King Richard died, and on the 27 th
of May the bishop of Norwich performed the last
public act recorded of him — he took part in the
coronation of King John at Westminster. In June
next year he died, and was buried in his own cathe-
dral. No monument seems ever to have marked the
place of his burial, nor did any conspicuous record
So NORWICH. [a.D. 1200.
of his episcopate survive him. A sagacious and
accomplished man of the world — a scholar of mark,
fond of books and of learned men, astute, clear-
headed, ambitious, — he had none of the devout senti-
ment of the pietist; he was the first of the lawyer and
politician bishops who ruled over the East Anglian
see.
The episcopate of John of Oxford is chiefly
memorable as covering that period of conflict be-
tween the monasteries and the bishops which,
besides other disastrous effects that it brought about,
was the cause of an almost absolute collapse of eccle-
siastical order and discipline. The mischievous
appeals to Rome prosecuted on every frivolous pre-
text were the means of putting a bishop to expense
wholly disproportionate to that incurred by the ap-
pellant, who in most cases had little to lose and
everything to gain. It was idle to legislate where
the law had no force, and idle to contend for a prin-
ciple in a court where the longest purse carried the
verdict with it as a matter of course. Thus the
hands of the bishops were tied, and their interest in
their several dioceses could not but get less and less.
If John of Oxford was rarely resident, his suc-
cessor was even less so. This was John de Grey —
often called John the Second — a scion of that
wonderful stock from which, for six centuries, there
has sprung an almost uninterrupted succession of
representative men in Church and State, and which
down to the present hour shows no sign of decadence.
He was a Norfolk man by birth, and early gained
the favour of King John. He filled some office in
A,D. 1200.] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 8 1
the chancery and, as was usual, soon obtained pre-
ferment When John of Oxford died he was arch-
deacon of Gloucester; but immediately on the vacancy
at Norwich being known, he was appointed to the
see, and consecrated bishop on the 24th September,
1 200. The ceremony 'took place in St. Catherine's
Chapel, Westminster, and was the occasion of a fresh
outbreak of jealousy and rancour on the part of the
Canterbury monks, who loudly asserted that the
archbishop had no right to consecrate except in the
cathedral church at Canterbury, — to such a pitch
had the arrogance of the great monasteries grown.
The quarrel never went far, and Bishop Grey was so
little involved in it, that when tlie archbishop died, in
July, 1205, a large section of the Canterbury monks
were prevailed upon to elect him to the vacancy ^;
"and this," says Matthew Paris, "was the origin
of all the discord that came to pass, the which for
generations wrought harm to England and mischief
irremediable " ; but on this matter it is not within my
province to dwell.
Another candidate for the primacy was put forward
by another faction among the Canterbury monks.
Instead of approving either, the pope appointed
Stephen Langton to the archbishopric. John de
Grey's election was quashed on the ground of in-
formality. There were doubtless other good reasons,
and the probability is, that the bishop of Norwich
' King John was apparently staying with Bishop Grey at his
new palace at Gay wood, near Lynn, in October, 1205, /.^., just
at the time when the question of the succession to the primacy
was pending.
G
82 NORWICH. [a.D. I200.
was looked upon as too much a friend of the king
of England to be regarded with favour by the astute
diplomatists at Rome. Hubert Walter, the late arch-
bishop, had shown that he had a policy of his own,
which his younger colleague in the chancery might
carry out with more vigour and more success, and
there may have been closer relations between the
two ecclesiastics which, unknown to us, were per-
fectly well known at Rome. Both were enormously
rich, both were Norfolk men, and both conspicuous
for their life-long fidelity to their royal masters. So
John de Grey remained bishop of Norwich to the
end, though in another contest at the close of his
career his nephew, Walter de Grey, succeeded in
being elected archbishop ot York, notwithstanding
all the efforts of Simon I^ngton, the primate's brother,
to secure for himself the northern province, ^
As for the see of Norwich under its new bishop,
it was left to itself, administered, it is to be supposed,
by suffragans and officials. The bishop himself was
everywhere except at home ; sometimes he was com-
manding an army against the French, sometimes
sitting as justiciar at Westminster or elsewhere ; for
years he was away in Ireland, where he filled the
important office of lord-deputy, and where, perhaps
to his own advantage, he was not only removed from
the duties of his diocese, but from the political
struggles that were going on so fiercely on our side
of the Channel. He returned from Ireland only to
witness the shameful humiliation of King John, and the
* Bishop Grey survived his nephew's consecration to York
just thirteen days.
A.D. I2I4.] THE CENTURY AFTER THE FOUNDATION. 83
resignation of the crown, and the doing homage for it
as a fief of the pope. He died, October i8, 12 14, as he
was returning from an embassy to Rome, whither he
had gone to arrange the terms on which the interdict
upon the kingdom should be removed. His body was
brought home and buried in his cathedral, where
in life he had been almost a stranger. During all
the term of his episcopate, the man in East Anglia
who, above all others, was the witness for earnestness
and living faith and uncompromising uprightness,
was — not the bishop of Norwich, but Sampson, abbot
of Bury St. Edmunds ; not that either the one or the
other can be credited with any high ideal — the age-
was coarse, and violent, and cruel — but the bishop
was a mere man of the world ; the monk, in his
rough way and according to his light, was certainly
better than his age, and clearly a seeker after God.
Neither lived to take part in the great conflict which
ended in the signing of Magna Charta. When the
crisis came there was no bishop of Norwich to take
either side.
It was just a year after Bishop Grey^s death that
the French fleet landed the army of invasion on the
coast of Suffolk; two years and a day after. King
John followed him to the grave. In the following
January Louis, the French king, took Norwich and
sacked it; eight months afterwards his cause had
collapsed and he was gone. For seven long years
the see of Norwich remained vacant. Pandulph
Masca, the pope's legate, though declared bishop as
early as 12 15, was not consecrated — nor, indeed,
ordained to the priesthood — till May, 1222; both
G 2
84 NORWICH. [a.D. 1226.
ceremonies were performed at Rome, and it is
doubtful whether the Italian intruder ever set foot in
the diocese from which, we may be sure, he did not fail
to draw the revenues. Of him and of his successor
Thomas de Blumville^ it is difficult to write with-
out impatience. Pandulph was a mere Ultramon-
tane adventurer, to whom preferment brought only
opportunities for plunder. Bishop Thomas was an
adventurer too. Both were civilians, who resorted
to holy orders when it suited their purpose to take
upon them the ecclesiastical function, and Blum-
viLLE was quite content to be a cypher in East
Anglia as far as any episcopal duties were concerned.
He was consecrated at Canterbury on the 20th of
December, 1226, by Stephen Langton. Seven years
after this he was called upon by the pope to make a
visitation of his diocese — a shameful mandate, and
one which draws our attention to the only incident
in this bishop's life that has been recorded. Never-
theless, Bishop Blumville's episcopate marks an era
in the religious history of East Anglia, of which far
too little has hitherto been made ; for it was early in
his time that the Friars settled in Lynn and Norwich.
* He was a clerk in the Exchequer. Matth. Paris, lii. 121.
A.D. 12 14-127^-] NORWICH. 85
CHAPTER VI.
KING henry's bishops.
It is impossible to understand the history of the
thirteenth century in England without having some
notion of the immense power acquired by the pope
over English affairs when King John formally re-
signed his crown and kingdom into the hands of
Innocent III., on the 15th of May, 12 13. By that
act England became a fief of the papacy, and from
that moment the pope became the over-lord and pro-
tector of the king against any who should assail him,
including Louis, king of France, and the malcontent
English barons, with Archbishop Langton at their head.
The pope's interference saved John his throne. Two
years afterwards (5th of June, 12 15) the Great Charter
was signed. In August the papal legate pronounced
the suspension of the archbishop, — a sentence which,
in the following November, Pope Innocent con-
firmed. Within a year from this time both king and
pope were dead.
When Henry III. succeeded to his father's crown
he was a boy of ten years old. During all his long
reign, however inconsistent he might show himself in
other matters, he never wavered in his allegiance to
the Roman see. More than once he acknowledged
that the pope had been his preserver to whom he
owed his crown ; and in the conflicts of his reign the
S6 NORWICH. [a.D. I214-
king and the pope were almost invariably on one side,
the baronage and the English people on the other.
Whatever the pope asked the king was prepared to
grant, and any resistance that was offered to the
outrageous demands of the papal court proceeded
from the baronage and the bishops, not from the
Crown. Meanwhile, the parochial clergy gradually
became cowed and subservient to the papacy ; even
the bishops found resistance vain. Bishop Grosse-
teste of Lincoln stood almost alone, dauntless and
uncompromising; but for the rest the aggressive
tactics of Rome proved far too strong, and her power
went on increasing till its pressure became a crushing
burden which men despaired of ever casting off. In
1225 the nuncio Otho failed in obtaining assent to
the extravagant claim that two prebends in every
chapter in England should be reserved for the pope's
nominees; yet even this exorbitant demand was
rather set aside than rejected, and thirty years after
Archbishop Langton's death, and when Grosseteste
too had been laid in his tomb, there was no Church
in Christendom so absolutely subject to papal direc-
tion, dictation, and control, as the Church of England.
At least eight candidates duly elected to the see of
Canterbury were set aside by the pope in the thirteenth
century. The country swarmed with foreign eccle-
siastics who never* came near their cures ; the custom
of letting out to farm not only the glebe lands, but
the actual surplice fees of absentees, rose to such a
height that, when a remedy was at last imperatively
called for, it was found necessary to proceed with
some caution ; even the rights of private patronage
A.D. 1-278.] KING henry's BISHOPS. 87
were threatened, and an organisation somewhat like
that of the Land League in Ireland began to spread
alarmingly, till the pope declared that over the rights
of the laity he claimed no control. Upon the clergy the
heavy hand of the papacy never relaxed its grasp.
We are told that in 1252 the revenue which the pope
derived from England was three times as great as that
of the king. Where a bishopric could not be secured
for a papal nominee, measures were taken to obtain
for him the appointment of archdeacon, and in this
way Ottobon de Fiesco, afterwards Pope Adrian V.,
became archdeacon of Canterbury; and John de
Ferentino, the pope's chamberlain, was made arch-
deacon of Norwich.^ With such a personage for his
second in command, the bishop of the diocese was
reduced to a cypher, and we hear no more of Bishop
Thomas de Blumville than that he died in August,
1236.
The monks forthwith elected their prior, Simon of
Elmham, a man of saintly life and eminent for his
learning. Just at this time Henry III. found his
position desperate ; his principal adviser, occupying
a position analogous to that of Chancellor of the
Exchequer, was William de Ralegh ; he had been
for some time one of the justices itinerant, and had
proved himself an able minister and profound lawyer.
Ralegh had made great efforts to extricate the king
from his embarrassments, but in vain. Simon de
Montfort was steadily rising into influence as a leader
of the national party, while Grosseteste was the ac-
* He narrowly escaped with his life from the violence of a
mob infuriated against the foreigners in 1232. — Matt. Paris.
88 NORWICH. [a.D. 1214-
knowledged chief of the ecclesiastical malcontents.
The two worked together, but on different lines. The
king secretly sent over for Otho, the nuncio who had
been recalled from England ten years before. This
time he came as papal legate, armed with full powers,
and he proceeded to hold the memorable council in
St. Paul's on the 19th of November, 1237. At the
council he behaved with great dignity, and the canons
proposed and agreed to, at this assembly, exhibit a
real desire to cope with the evils of the time which
had become chronic. The constitutions of Otho
and his successor, Ottobon de Fiesco, continued in
force for centuries, and were regarded as the statute
law of the Church of England down to the time of
the Reformation ; if the legate were to be judged by
them alone, he would deserve to be looked upon as
one of the great reformers of his age, but the in-
eradicable vice of avarice, the insatiable greed of the
Italian ecclesiastic, spoilt all. England was, to the
foreigner of the thirteenth century, what India was to
the Englishman of the eighteenth, a land to plunder, —
possibly a land to go^'ern wisely, but certainly to
plunder, — ^and the legate's five years in England ended
in his being regarded as a mere robber who had
pillaged the clergy without limit, without scruple,
and without pity.
Meanwhile the election to Norwich had not been
confirmed, the king withholding his consent. What
became of the temporalities we are not told. John
de Ferentino probably administered the affairs of the
diocese in his own way, by the help of some suffragan
bishop from the other side of the channel to carry on
A.D. 1278.] KING henry's BISHOPS. 89
the necessary ordinations. The see of Winchester
fell vacant; Henry III. desired to secure it for a
creature of his own ; the monks would not have him
and chose William de Ralegh. The king violently
protested; for by this time Ralegh had fallen out
of favour, having apparently come under the influence
of Grosseteste. The result was that the see of Win-
chester too was kept vacant, and continued so for
years.
It was early in the spring of 1239 when the pope's
award in the matter of Norwich was finally pro-
nounced, and the election of Simon of Elmham
quashed. A little before this (28th of December, 1 238),
Alexander, bishop of Lichfield, had died, and again
the question arose as to who was to succeed him.
Here were three bishoprics vacant, the candidates
approved by the monks in two instances having been
objected to by the king, the pope supporting him in
his protest. On the 23rd of February the canons of
Lichfield proceeded to elect a bishop, and their choice
fell upon William de Ralegh. On the loth of
April the monks of Norwich were permitted to choose
a bishop to supersede their prior, whose election was
void : they, too, chose William de Ralegh. The
elect to three bishoprics had to declare which he pre-
ferred. The king would not have him at Winchester;
between the other two he did not hesitate long. He
accepted the call from Norwich, and to that see he
was consecrated, after a delay of some months, by
Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, on the 25th of
September, 1239. If any explanation is required
for the active opposition which Bishop Ralegh
9© NORWICH. [a.D. I214-
encountered at the king's hands, and the remarkable
unanimity with which he was elected to three vacancies
at once, it must be sought in the fact that about the
time of the legate Otho's arrival in England, Ralegh
had gone over to the national party, and that he was
on friendly terms with Bishop Grosseteste and well
disposed towards the friars. He had not long been
bishop of Norwich when he received an order to
make a return of the number of Italians beneficed
in his diocese. Unhappily, the return, if any was
made, has perished. Of the way in which he ad-
ministered his diocese no records remain. He had
occupied the see barely two years when he was a
second time elected bishop of Winchester ; again the
king opposed his election, but this time unavailingly,
and he was enthroned on the 20th of November, 1244,
Winchester having been left without a bishop for just
six years. ^
Bishop Ralegh's successor at Norwich was Walter
DE SuFFiELD, or WALTER Calthorp (for he is
called indifferently by either surname), a man of un-
blemished character, a graduate of the University of
Paris,^ a scion of an old Norfolk house whose an-
cestors had enjoyed large possessions in East Anglia,
and a friend of Bishop Grosseteste and of the Fran-
ciscans. Elected by the monks shortly after the
choice of the Winchester convent had fallen upon
* On the whole business, see Luard's " Grosseteste," Introd,,
p. lix.
' And probably also of Oxford, as Blomfield suggests.
Richard de Wick, bishop of Chichester, was also a graduate
of both universities.
A.D. 1278.] KING henry's BISHOPS. 9I
his predecessor, he received the royal assent on the
9th of July, 1244, and was consecrated in the church
of the nunnery at Carrow on the 19th of February
following. His episcopate is memorable for the assess-
ment which was made under his direction of all the
ecclesiastical property in England, for the purpose of
adjusting the taxation levied by the pope. The
Norwich Taxation, as it was called, continued in
force as the accepted rating-book for the clergy and
religious houses until a new assessment was made
under the orders of Pope Nicholas IV., which came
into operation in 1291. Bishop Calthorp's will has
come down to us, and shows him to have been a
man of vast possessions and of large-hearted munifi-
cence. The substance of it may be read in Blom-
field's " History of Norfolk," and it is well worth
perusal. To one friend he leaves his " little Bible " ;
to another his Psalter; to a third "a great Bible";
and to the hospital of St. Giles, which he had founded
at Norwich, " the Bible I bought of Master Simon
Blound, and the cup out of which the poor children
drank." He left, too, a large and valuable library
behind him, the bulk of which he bequeathed to his
nephew, Walter de Calthorp. He remembered the
monastery at Norwich, and was liberal to the friars,
both Dominican and Franciscan; and he ordered that
he should be buried in the new Lady Chapel which
he had thrown out at the east end of the cathedral,
having, it is asserted, demolished the old Lady
Chapel of Herbert Losinga with a view to building
a larger and more sumptuous appendage to the
mother-church. The foundations of Bishop Cal-
92 NORWICH. [a.D. I214-
THORp's chapel show it to have been constructed in
far too light and flimsy a way to stand the wear of
centuries, and in little more than 300 years Time
the avenger saw it crumble to decay. Before the
high altar of this chapel they laid the bishop, as his
will directed ; and shortly after his burial, reverence
for his memory, wonder at his sanctity, or gratitude
for his munificence, led to the belief that miracles
were wrought at his tomb. He is the only bishop of
Norwich whose saintly life has been his chief cha-
racteristic, and the traditions of whose holiness and
unworldly self-denial survived when almost everything
else that concerned him had been forgotten. Bishop
Calthorp is a good specimen of a mediaeval prelate,
keeping up a princely state and lavish hospitality in
his diocese, holding aloof from the war of politics,
and if not strong enough to change the face of his
times or to act as a leader in carrying out much-
needed reforms, yet doing the best he could under
the circumstances in which he found himself, and
showing by his example that in the worst times a
man of faith and prayer may live near to God. He
died at Colchester on the 20th of May, 1257.
Before the end of the month his successor was
chosen and the election approved by the king.
The new bishop was another Norfolk man, Simon
DE Watton, which for the most part men spelt as the
word is pronounced in Norfolk, Wauton. He was
another of the lawyer-bishops ; he had been for some
years an industrious functionary in the Exchequer
and if he was even in holy orders at all he had as yet
received no preferment. On the occurrence of the
A.D. 1278.] KING henry's BISHOPS. 93
vacancy at Norwich, we are told he showed some un-
seemly haste and greediness ; and aftertimes remem-
bered or repeated that he had been a conspicuous
example of the sin that his name recalled, and that,
too, in a Simoniacal age. Nevertheless, he secured
the bishopric, and was enthroned in the cathedral on
the 17th March, 1258.
Not much was to be expected from a prelate whose
antecedents were wholly secular; and accordingly
we know little or nothing of the way in which the
diocese fared under his rule. The first year of his
episcopate was disastrous for East Anglia, and by
reason of the floods in summer and the continued
rain in harvest, a grievous famine ensued, "so that
men ate horseflesh and the bark of trees, yea, even
worse, and many died of hunger." In the council
held at Lambeth on the 8th of May, 1261, Bishop
Simon took part; the king. Prince Edward, arid
Queen Eleanor protesting against the proceedings,
but in vain. Next year we find the bishop on the
side against the baronage, and publishing the papal
absolution from the oath which Henry III., in
1258, had sworn to carry out the reforms then
agreed on. It was a step which provoked immense
indignation. Civil war broke out, and the popular
party was furious against every one who favoured
the pope and his foreigners. Peter of Savoy, the
detested bishop of Hereford, fell into the hands
of the barons, and was actually thrown into prison.
The bishop of Norwich was compelled to take
sanctuary in the abbey of St Edmund: there
only could he be safe. During all this time the
94 NORWICH. [a.D. 1214-
great East Anglian abbey had been growing in
influence and power; and now using their opportunity,
the monks, who — much to their annoyance — had for
a while been compelled to submit to the establish-
ment of a house of Franciscan friars outside the
convent walls, contrived to rid themselves with a high
hand of their too zealous neighbours. Three years
after this the bishop died, on the 2nd of January,
1266. He was buried in Bishop Calthorp's Lady
Chapel. If he lived in evil times, Bishop Simon did
little to mend them, — a man of whom History has
no good to tell.
Once more King Henry had to assent to the elec-
tion of a bishop of Norwich. The kingdom was in a
pitiful state; the battle of Evesham, on the 4th of
August, 1265, had, to all appearance, utterly crushed
the hopes of the popular party, left it without a
leader, and scattered to all the winds the forces that
Simon de Montfort had brought into union. He and
his followers were "disinherited" of all their pos-
sessions ; but desperate men are wont to be trouble-
some, and up and down the land there was much
lawlessness, robbery, and pillage. Some of the disin-
heritcd took refuge in the abbey of Bury St. Edmunds,
and there they assumed a menacing attitude. It was
no time for keeping bishoprics vacant and making
more enemies, so the monks of Norwich were, without
delay, permitted to proceed to an election, and on
the 23rd of January, 1266, — just three weeks after
the death of Simon de Watton, — they chose as his
successor their own prior, Roger de Skerning.
A Norfolk man, like his predecessor, and born, as
A.D. 1278.] KING henry's BISHOPS. > 95
his name implies, at a village adjoining the town of
East Dereham, he had been a monk of Norwich for
many years, and prior of the monastery since 1257.
The early years of his episcopate were full of trouble.
For more than a twelvemonth the party of the dis-
inherited continued to hold out in East Anglia ; from
the fastnesses, in Marshland they defied the king's
forces, levying black-mail mercilessly on the wretched
inhabitants. Bury St. Edmunds was one of their
places of refuge; thence they came out, in the
spring of 1266, and made an attempt to capture
Lynn, after pillaging the district round ; the towns-
men beat them back, but they got clear off with their
booty. In May the Royalists took Bury, and fined
the abbey a hundred pounds and the townsmen two
hundred marks for their support of the insurgents.
In August, however, fortune favoured the rebels
once more, and they captured Ely; issuing thence
in great force they assailed Norwich, and sacked it
on the 19th of December, carrying away immense
plunder. It was not till July, 1267, that Prince
Edward was strong enough to recover Ely, and
with this success the civil war was at an end. No
part of England had suffered more than the diocese
of Norwich during the latter stages of the strife,
or had greater reason to rejoice when peace came
at last.
Meanwhile, — in October, 1265, — the papal legate,
Ottobon, arrived from Rome in the hope of mediating
between the belligerents. A council was held in
London, at which the canons promulgated by Otho
in the previous assembly were confirmed, together
96 NORWICH. [a.D. I214-
with some additional ones. They give us a deplorable
picture of the condition of religion in England at
the time. Churches had been pulled down on
pretence of repairing them, others had been left un-
consecrated for years ; benefices had been despoiled
of their incomes to enrich the monasteries, and left
without any provision for the working clergy, who
were driven to become pluralists or to live on fees
improperly demanded; parishes were left in sole
charge of deacons or even acolytes, who resigned
their people for absolution and even the sacrament
of the altar to the friars ; grave laxity in admitting
to holy orders prevailed, and candidates in many
cases were subject to little or no scrutiny or ex-
amination. These were evils that were patent, and
the council attempted to deal with them, and did
provide wholesome remedies. But the re-enactment
of the canons of Otho so soon after they were
promulgated goes far to prove that the previous
legislation had been useless. Laws need an ex-
ecutive at once powerful and just, and discipline in
Church or State depends less on the excellence of
the law than on the character of those whose duty it is
to carry out the law. One thing is significant :
Bishop Roger found the benefice of his own birth-
place divided into two portions, though there was no
second church ; the rector of one portion did all the
work, the rector of the other portion employed a vicar
for doing the absolutely necessary duties which he
was bound to discharge, and paid that vicar the sum
of six marks annually for his services. The same
arrangement has continued to the present day, the
A.D. I3S5-] UNDER THE EDWARDS. II3
of the previous bishop his successor had been nomi-
nated. As things were managed then it was idle to
think of resisting the pope, and Baldok forthwith
resigned all claim to the see. This was on the 3rd
September, Ayermin was then in France and on
the 15 th of the month he was consecrated bishop of
Norwich by two foreign bishops at the church of St.
Germain des Prbs and forthwith started homewards.
Though the Chancellor Baldok — thus a second
time disappointed of his prize — made no resistance
to the papal orders, he could do something to annoy
his successful rival. He joined with the younger
Despenser in recommending the king to withhold
the temporalities of the see, and they were actually
retained in the king's hands, and paid into the
exchequer, until Bishop Ayermin's petition for their
restitution was at length granted, after a delay of
nearly two years, and only when Edward III. had
succeeded to the crown. Before that event came
to pass the cause of the Despensers had utterly col-
lapsed, the Chancellor Baldok had died miserably
in Newgate, and Ayermin, who had supplanted him
in his bishopric, had superseded him too as keeper of
the great seal. It was a time of shameful corruption
among all classes, when in Church and State every
man was seeking his own, none the things which
are Jesus Christ's. It is humiliating to have to
confess that the new bishop of Norwich stands out
conspicuous before others for his insatiable greed
and worldliness.^ Rarely in his diocese, he left the
' At the time of his being promoted to the see of Norwich he
was holding no less than jeven prebendal stalls in various
I
114 NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
administration of it to his officials, while he himself
was immersed in politics, or in amassing money with
a view to found a family which should perpetuate his
name. He died in London on the 27th March, 1336,
after an episcopate of little more than ten years,
during which, from anything that appears, he did
less in and for his bishopric than any of those who
went before him.
Two days after Bishop Ayermin's death the monks
of Norwich elected one of their own body — Thomas
DE Hemenhall, a Norfolk man, to succeed. The
days of free election to bishoprics had gone by, and
even royal favourites had small chance of preferment
if they trusted to kingly patronage alone. The
English bishoprics were in the hands of the pope,
to deal with almost as he pleased ; and though king
and people, high and low, might protest, present
gravamina^ or even pass statutes against papal aggres-
sion, all was of little avail. Except during the period
of the great papal schism, no bishop of Norwich was
again consecrated to the see unless by papal provision
or direct appointment till the fifteenth century had all
but closed, and the final rupture was at hand. At the
time we are now concerned with, it was quite enough
to destroy any man's chance of obtaining an English
bishopric that he had been chosen by the electors in
cathedrals ; two of them were in the church of Lincoln, and two
in the church of York. His brother Richard was made vicar-
general of the diocese of Norwich, and he held this post and
many other preferments together with the chancellorship of
Salisbury. Another brother, Adam, became archdeacon of
Norfolk.
A.D. I355-] UNDER THE EDWARDS. II5
whom theoretically the appointment was vested, and
Thomas of Hemenhall must have been perfectly
well aware that he would not be accepted by the
pope, nor consecrated bishop, but he made his way
to Avignon nevertheless, where, as a matter of course,
Benedict XII. annulled the election.
Three weeks after the vacancy had occurred in
the see of Norwich, Hotham, bishop of Ely, had
died. Into that bishopric the pope translated Simon
Montague, bishop of Worcester; he made Hemen-
hall bishop of Worcester, and conferred the see of
Norwich upon Dr. Antony Bek, dean of Lincoln,
who had come to Avignon a few weeks before
Bishop Ayermin's death, probably with a view to
obtain the promise of the bishopric when it should
fall in.
Bishop Antony Bek was consecrated by the pope
at Avignon on the 30th March, 1337, and, returning
to England, received the temporalities from the king
on the 9th July. Though the new bishop was proud
of his ancestry, and imperious in temper, he was at
any rate a man of learning and principle, and fearless
and inflexible when standing up for what he believed
to be right ; I cannot find that he ever left the work
of his diocese to others,^ and he was very rarely
absent from it. He evidently found it in a deplorable
condition, but he was too old a man to do much in
the way of reform, even if he had been ever so zealous
and in earnest. One of his first acts was to sue his
predecessor's executors for dilapidation and a dis-
^ There is nothing in his Register to bear out the assertion of
Pitts, quoted by Blomefield, vol. iii., p. 505, v. 6,
I 2
Il6 NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
graceful waste of the property of the see,^ and he
appears to have recovered nearly nineteen hundred
pounds sterling, an enormous sum in the days of
Edward III. When Archbishop Stratford attempted
to hold a visitation of the Norwich diocese, Bishop
Bek took exception to the primate's carrying out his
intention (on what ground has not been made clear
to us); and when the archbishop persisted in the
attempt, and obtained, moreover, the support of the
king, even so he could not be persuaded to give way,
but appealed to the pope against the world. Bishop
Bek was, before all things, a bishop, and if he had
lived in the days of Anselm and Becket, history
would have had more to tell of a prelate at once so
resolute and aggressive. His register leaves upon us
the impression of his having been a friend of scholars,
and his best preferment was bestowed upon graduates
of the Universities. But he was no friend to monks ;
indeed, he tried to rule them with a rod of iron, and
to make the priory of Norwich subject to the bishop
of the see. In this, it is said, he failed. He died
on the 19th of December, 1343, in the seventh year of
his episcopate, and the seventy-ninth year of his age.-
Bishop Bek was free from one vice, at any rate ;
he is the first bishop of Norwich of whom I can find
no evidence that he ever robbed the parochial clergy
to enrich a religious house. His successor made up
» "Harl. MS.,'' 3,720, f. xiii.
* He was born on the day of the battle of Evesham, Aug. 4,
1265 (** Harl. MS.," «. s,). He had been elected to the see of
Lincoln as far back as 1320, but the pope, as usual, quashed
his election.
A.D. 1355.] UNDER THE EDWARDS. II7
for any lack of love towards the Regulars by proving
himself the most outrageous spoiler of the parish
priests that the see of Norwich has ever known. This
was William Bateman, son of a wealthy citizen of
Norwich, who had been no less than eleven times
bailiff of the city,^ and one of its representatives in
the Parliament of 1326. His son, the future bishop,
is said to have received his education in his native
city, and may, not improbably, have been one of
those scholars whom the priory about this time sup-
ported at Cambridge. He certainly proceeded Doctor
of Civil Law in that University, and as early as 1328
was collated to the archdeaconry of Norwich by Bishop
Ayermin. Soon after this he was sent to Avignon,
and he rose high in the favour of Pope John XXII.
His great wealth insured him preferment, and when
Bishop Bek died Clement VI. bestowed upon him
the vacant see, much to the joy of the Norwich monks,
who had gone through the form of electing him
unanimously, and of the citizens who looked upon his
father's son as one of themselves. He was consecrated
by the pope himself at Avignon, and shortly after-
wards he took possession of his diocese and proceeded
to hold a visitation of it, in which he showed extra-
ordinary boldness. Not content with inspecting the
Norwich Priory, he went on to assert his episcopal
authority over the far more powerful and wealthy
Abbey of St. Edmunds, and thereby involved himself
in costly and protracted litigation with the monastery
and the large body of its partizans, who were pre-
There was no Mayor of Norwich till 1403, Blomefield,
vol. iii., 12.
Il8 NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
pared to go all lengths in resisting episcopal juris-
diction. Three years of Bishop Bateman's life were
embittered by this vexatious conflict. The monks
were too strong for the bishop, and he suffered
severely for his rash attempt, as others had suffered
before him. During those years there was "great
internal prosperity in England as well as brilliant
success abroad," and when King Edward III. re-
turned in the autumn of 1347, the victory of Cregy,
the defeat and imprisonment of David II., king of
Scotland, and the capture of Calais, were among the
substantial results of the costly warfare. The king's
return seems to have brought the bishop some relief
from the troubles into which his quarrel with the
great abbey had plunged him, and we hear no more
of contentions in the law courts; but the whole
diocese had been made to suffer grievously during
the course of the struggle.^ Next year was, says
Walsingham, a year of peace and glory, and though
it closed with a very heavy rainfall, this did not
prevent the price of corn falling lower than it had
been at for some time; but in the year 1349 came
the visitation of the great plague.^ English history
can tell of no calamity so widespread and so terrible
in. its incidence, and no part of the kingdom suffered
more dreadfully than East Anglia did from the scourge.
The institution books of the diocese tell their own
tale ; during the five years comprehended between
* See Blomefield, iii., 508.
* The Bridlington Chron. says it appeared first at Melcombe,
in July, 1347, and lasted two years. "Chron* Ed. I. and
Ed. II.*' (Stubbs), note ii., p. 149.
A.D. I3SS-] UNDER THE EDWARDS. II9
the 25th March, 1344, and the same day of 1349, the
annual average of institutions of all kinds amounts to
exactly 81. During the next year ending 25th March,
1350, no less than 831 persons received institution
within the diocese. In the spring of 1349 Bishop
Bateman was absent, employed in conducting nego-
tiations for peace between England and France ; he
returned to Norfolk in the beginning of June to find
his brother, Sir Bartholomew Bateman, of Gillingham,
dead, and the plague raging with awful severity.
During the next two months the three chief nunneries
in the diocese, Bungay, Carrow, and Ridlingfield,
lost their prioresses. All the canons of Mount Joye
in Heveringland died. At Hickling only a single
canon survived, and he a novice who made his pro-
fession to the prior as he lay dying. At Walsingham,
at Thetford, at Westacre, at the great Abbey of St,
Benet's, Hulm, the same frightful mortality prevailed,
and in six months no less than twenty-one. religious
houses had lost their rulers. In the city of Norwich
it is said that the mortality was most frightful; in
Yarmouth it was scarcely less ; Lynn seems to have
escaped with comparative immunity. Early in the
autumn the bishop made application to the pope for
direction, and, on the 13th of October, Clement VI.
addressed to him a bull, wherein provision was made
against the consequences of the dreadful visitation ot
pestilence. In view of the serious falling off in the
supply of clergy, and the fact that, as a result of that
falling off, many parishes were left without any parsons
to serve them, the bishop was authorised to ordain
sixty young men to the ministry, who might be two
BB
120 NORWICH. [a.D. I278-
years below the canonical age, provided that they
approved themselves on examination fit and proper
persons to receive holy orders ; in all cases, however,
the candidates must have completed their twenty-first
year. It is much to the credit of Bishop Bateman
that, so far from availing himself to the utmost of
the papal dispensation, he exercised the right con-
veyed with scrupulous reserve, and only five instances
occur in his register of candidates under the canonical
age being admitted to a cure of souls. The fact that /
this immense strain upon the reserve of clergy who /
were unbeneficed at the outbreak of the plague did
not exhaust the supply to a far greater extent than
appears to have been the case, indicates that the
number of clergy in the diocese of Norwich, in the
middle of the fourteenth century, must have been
very large, and, consequently, that the general level
of education in the diocese was much higher than
is often assumed to have been the case. The
instances of benefices bestowed upon any below the
priesthood are rare, and in almost every instance
they are the nominees of the king, or the nobility,
whom it would have been idle to gainsay. Judging
by the way in which the great lords exercised their
patronage in the East Anglian diocese at this period,
it is plain that the laity were not ashamed to make
merchandise of their patronage, and whether the
clergy were or were not unconscionable in their readi-
ness to buy preferment, the laity were ready enough
to sell.
During all this terrible time Bishop Bateman never
left his diocese for a day. In the single month of July
A.D. 1 35 5-1 UNDER THE EDWARDS. 121
he personally instituted 207 persons. Till the 9th
of the month he was at Norwich, the plague making
awful havoc all round him. On the loth he moved
to Hoxne, and there in a single day instituted twenty
persons; from this time till the pestilence abated
he moved about from place to place, rarely staying
more than a fortnight in any one house, and followed
everywhere by the troops of clergy, who came to be
admitted to the livings of such as had died. By
April, 1350, the mortality had so much abated that
things had returned to their normal condition ; but
in a single year the whole face of the diocese must
have changed. Bearing in mind that the episcopal
records take no account of deaths in the monasteries,
except where the head of the house was carried off ;
that none of the unbeneficed clergy are noticed
except where they were presented with preferment ;
that the mendicant orders, who were labouring
among the townspeople, and were hardly under
episcopal jurisdiction, never came before the bishop
at all, — it is impossible to estimate the number of
clergy in the diocese of Norwich whom the " Black
Death " carried off at less than two thousand. The
effect of so huge a calamity it is almost impossible for
us now to conceive ; the smaller benefices could not
be filled up, many must have remained for years
without incumbents. It is observable that, in the
episcopate of Bishop Tottington, that prelate set
himself, in several cases, to unite two livings to be
held by the same person, as if the difficulty of filling
the less valuable cures had continued even so long
after the great plague.
122 NORWICH. [a.D. I278-
Bishop Bateman seems to have persuaded himself
that all hope for the future of his diocese lay in
strengthening the hands of the Regulars at the ex-
pense of the secular clerg)% and he lost no oppor-
tunity of alienating the endowments of a country cure
and handing them over to a decaying religious house,
or to the use of the college which he set himself to
found at Cambridge, as a theological seminary for
his own diocese. This college — Trinity Hall — was
intended especially as a school of civil law.^ As
time went on, and the study of civil law and divinity
became divorced, the Bishop's foundation ceased
to be, in any sense, a theological seminary; and
at the present day it continues to be, as it has
been for long, more of a law college \}cizx\. any other
at either of the universities. The bishop was not
the only founder of an educational endowment for
the diocese. The example had been set two years
before the Black Death, by Edmund Gonville, rector
of Terrington, who, in January, 1347, had already
given property in Cambridge for the endowment
of the college which received his name, though, two
centuries later, the great accession to its original en-
dowments which Dr. Caius bestowed upon Gonville
Hall, caused the name of the later benefactor to take
precedence of the earlier one. The year after the
Black Death again another college in Cambridge —
* The notion, alluded to by Blomefield, that Edward Gonville's
college at Rushworih was intended to be a kind of preparatory
school to his college at Cambridge, is erroneous. Rushworth
was founded as early as 1342, **Bodl. Chart," p. 211 ; there is
nothing to show that it had any connexion with education.
A.D. 1 355-] UNDER THE EDWARDS. 1 23
the second in twenty-eight years — was founded, viz.,
the college of Corpus Christi ; and this, too, became
eventually one of the great Norfolk colleges, when
Archbishop Parker added so munificently to its re-
sources in the after- times; nor was the bishop's
example without effect, for we find that his chan-
cellor, Dr. Richard Lyng, followed closely in his
steps; and though not rich enough to found a college,
yet he rendered himself conspicuous by his liberal gift
to the university for the assistance of needy scholars.
If Bishop Bateman and others about him were
robbers of churches, they had at any rate no mean
and selfish aim in their pillage ; doubtless they per-
suaded themselves that it was necessary to further
the cause of learning, and that in such a cause it was
pardonable to do evil in view of the great good that
might come.
Bishop Bateman died at Avignon on the 6th
January, 1355, while employed in one of the many
embassies on which he was sent by Edward III.,
and Pope Innocent VI. appointed as his successor
Thomas Percy, brother of Henry, Earl of Northum-
berland, a young man under twenty-two years of
age.
124 NORWICH. [a.D. 1356-
CHAPTER VIII.
DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM.
When Bishop Percy succeeded to the see of Nor-
wich, the friars had been at work in East Anglia for
just 130 years. The action of those forces which
are more essentially political we have caught some
glimpses of in the course of our narrative ; but these
touch only the surface of things, and have to do with
the fortunes of the Church only, as it is a corporation
concerned with the state in certain relations with the
people. The history of a diocese is only half written
when nothing more than a record of the doings of
its principal officials is set down ; a complete diocesan
history, if such a work were possible, would com-
prehend not only a summary of the external fortunes
or the administration of the rulers, but a record, too,
of the religious life, the pulsations of the heart of the
people, their aspirations, their errors while groping
for the truth, the vagaries of their fanaticism, their
passionate cries for more light in the thick darkness
or at the dawn. Happy is the land that has no
history — is true of nations considered as aggregates
of human creatures to whom the earthly life is every-
thing : is it true of the Church, the life of whose
members is concerned with a great hope " beyond
the veil " ?
If we are to judge of the religious condition of
A.D. 141 5.] DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM. 1 25
the diocese of Norwich during the period now under
review, we must seek for evidence in the condition of
the monasteries, the notices of the work done by the
Mendicant orders, the traces of synodical action,
and the habits of life and prevailing sentiment in the
country parishes. Unfortunately, the evidence is very
defective ; we are left to draw our inferences from
mere fragments of information that we come upon
incidentally in miscellaneous, and often unpromising,
sources. It is certain, however, that the influences of
the friars for good or evil was very powerful and very
extensive. With them the action of voluntaryism came
in precisely where it was most wanted — namely, in the
towns. There was scarcely a town in Norfolk or
Suffolk of any importance that had not been despoiled
of its endowments by the grasping hands of the mo-
nastic bodies. At Norwich, Yarmouth, and Lynn,
at Swaffham, East Dereham, and Wymondham, at
Bungay, Stowmarket, and Aylsham the rectorial tithes
and the glebe had been absorbed by the religious
houses. The abbeys of St. Edmund and of St. Benet's
Hulm, indeed all the older monasteries, had for gene-
rations been appropriating the rectories all over East
Anglia, and leaving the vicars, who were in theor}^
mere stipendiary curates, though irremovable, to
the tender mercies of their parishioners, on whose
offerings, more or less voluntary, they had to depend
for their subsistence. In many cases the impropria-
tors laid claim even to a proportion of the fees and
offerings.
As a consequence of this pillage, the town clergy
were very needy and of a lower status than those
126 NORWICH. [a.D. 1356-
in the country; in fact, they stood to the bene-
ficed clergy in the villages pretty much in the same
relation that too many of the disheartened and ill-
provided townsmen in the present day stand to their
more fortunate brethren in the country parishes. The
friars threw themselves unreservedly upon the volun-
tary principle ; they would have no endowments ;
these had been tried and found wanting. Let them
go ! Nay, the parochial system in the towns had
been tried and found wanting, too. Let that also go !
The friars never asked in what parish this street or
that house lay ; wherever they were wanted there they
came and there they ministered. The result was
that, speaking within certain limits, the whole work
of evangelising the masses had rapidly fallen into the
hands of the Mendicant orders, and the more they
prospered the poorer the town clergy became. There
were constant complaints on the part of these latter,
constant attempts to prevent the Mendicants from
burying in their new churchyards, and so robbing the
vicars of the burial fees ; quarrelling, soreness, and
bitter jealousy were chronic. The monks had swept
away the endowments, now the friars were sweeping
away the fees. The country parson, secure of his
position, was comparatively indifferent ; in the villages
there could be no hope for voluntaryism, and into the
villages the friars rarely came, and they never stayed.
Biit upon the monasteries they were exercising an
immense influence, directly and indirectly, and, on
the whole, it was an influence for good. We trace it
in the memorable visitation of the East Anglian mo-
nasteries in 1 281, by Archbishop Peckham, the first
'
A.D. I4I5-] DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM. I27
Franciscan who was primate ; or in the attempt of
Archbishop Winchelsey in 1298 to bring about a
reform of the conventual life at Canterbury; in the now
general practice of the monasteries sending scholars
to the universities ; in the great stimulus given to intel-
lectual life; in the taste for scientific culture, and
the zeal shown in collecting libraries. Of the whole
number of Norfolk and Suffolk men whose names
appear in the roll of distinguished men of letters
during the fourteenth century nearly two-thirds be-
longed to the Mendicant orders. The Carmelites
boasted of none of their brethren with more pride
than of John of Baconsthorpe. The Franciscans
have no one more worthy of renown than Roger
Bacon. When William of Occam was delivering his
heaviest blows against Pope John XXII., it was a
Norfolk man, John of Walsingham, a Carmelite of
Bumham, who was chosen to answer him. The
country* parsons were, it seems, doing their duty
quietly and unobtrusively, and occupying almost
exactly the same social position that they do at the
present day, but the great preachers in the town
pulpits, the teachers and lecturers in the universities,
the educators of the country, were friars, in very large
proportion.
We have no such direct evidence of the condition
of the diocese of Norwich as that which exists for the
diocese of Winchester at the beginning of the four-
teenth century, yet there is good reason for believing
that the condition of the East Anglian see was not
very different from the other. The number of clergy
was largely in excess of the cures, though it must
128 NORWICH. [A.D.,1356-
be remembered that the term clerk in those days
was applied to any one who lived by his brains, the
clerks being, in fact, the professional classes, and
comprehending among themselves scores of men in*
every diocese who had no intention of exercising
any spiritual function, or of being in any sense
ministers of religion. Yet even so there was, we
find, a crowd of priests^ unemployed, living on their
means or on their friends, who gave the bishops much
trouble by taking work irregularly and pocketing the
fees. There were disputes between rectors and curates
(vicars), and quarrels between the clergy and their
parishioners, as to who should keep up the fences of
the churchyards. There were, too, among the clergy,
some who dressed like laymen, and there were parishes
too poor to provide the necessary church furniture,
so that, when the bishop was on his visitation, one par-
son would borrow another's vestments to make a good
appearance before his diocesan ; but, on the* whole,
the impression left upon us is favourable to the clergy ;
they were obviously better than their times. Some
were scandalous, some were needy, but the age was
coarse and rough : the records of crime and violence,
the grossness and the cruelty of all classes in the
fourteenth century, make it only too evident that the
moral instincts of the nation at large were feeble,
and the consciences of men ill-instructed and ill-
trained. Nevertheless, there has been an evident
advance from earlier times, and the abominations with
which the earlier penitentiaries deal, have not only
diminished, but have almost disappeared, though bri-
gandage, bloodshed, and suicide were prevalent to an
A.D. 1278.] KING henry's BISHOPS. 97
rector of the one mediety being the single parson of
the parish, but receiving, in recognition of his office
as vicar under the lay rector of the second mediety-,
the same yearly payment of six marks as his prede-
cessors did six hundred years ago.
Bishop Roger's episcopate was disgraced by a
very serious conflict in the year 1272 between the
citizens of Norwich and the monks of the priory,
for which there remains little room for doubting that
the priory was almost wholly to blame. There had
been a soreness and jealousy between the city and
the monastery of some years' standing, which at last
burst forth into a violent fray in June, 1272, when
one of the prior's party slew one of the citizens.
The bishop was absent at the time, but he no sooner
heard of the affair than he excommunicated the
citizens, and laid the city under an interdict, thereby
showing the natural bias of a monk siding with his
own convent. Encouraged by the bishop's support,
the prior hastened to introduce a force of armed
ruffians into the cathedral close, and the citizens
retaliated, goaded to frenzy by the outrageous provo-
cation they had received. On the 9th of August the
citizens attacked the belfry tower of the monastery,
which stood close to the present Ethelbert gate, and
from its proximity to the city liberties afforded a post
of vantage from which the monks could harass and
annoy the townsmen. Favoured by an accidental
fire which broke out at the time, the townsmen got
possession of the tower, slew thirteen of the defenders,
and did serious damage to the monastic building?.: J
The cathedral itself appears to have escaped injury,-^/
H
98 NORWICH. [a.D. I214-
but the church of St Ethelbert, and, unhappily, the
convent archives, with niuch else that was within
reach of the flames, were destroyed. The catastrophe
created a great sensation. The king came down to
Norwich to institute a solemn inquiry, and the pope
issued a bull upon the subject. At least thirty poor
creatures were hanged and their bodies burned, and
173 of the rioters, whose names have come down
to us, were visited with various punishments, and
their goods confiscated as a matter of course. But
modern research has brought to light certain painful
revelations which historic truth may not withhold.
The prior was proved to have slain a man (John
Casmus) at the gates of the priory on the i6th of
August with his own hands, and for his part in the
outbreak he was virtually deposed. Neither does
the bishop come well out of the affair. Though
appealed to by many people of influence to show
mercy to the citizens, he sternly used his power to
the utmost, and proceeded with passionate haste in
taking vengeance upon the accused. In the whole
business there is only one incident that relieves the
general gloom. When the struggle was in its early
stage, and before the prior had gone so far as to
introduce his mercenaries into the close, the citizens
made overtures of peace to the convent and pro-
posed arbitration. The men chosen for peacemakers
were certain friars whom one chronicler calls friars-
preachers, but who may have been either Franciscans
or Dominicans. Of their sincerity, impartiality, and
" ^holiness of life it was assumed there could be no
* 'question, and though the negotiations failed, it was
A.D. 1 2 78.] KING henry's BISHOPS. 99
evidently no fault of the friars, who did their best to
pour oil on the troubled waters.
Scarcely two months after he had been at Norwich
Henry III. died at St. Edmund's Abbey. During
his long reign no fewer than seven bishops had been
appointed to this see. If they were not the best,
neither were they the worst prelates of their time.
Bishop Roger survived his royal master five years,
and died at Elmham on the 22nd of January, 1278.
The power of the pope in England had reached its
culminating point before King Henry's death ; with
the accession of the great Edward the re-action
against papal usurpation began.
H 2
lOO NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
CHAPTER VII.
THE DIOCESE UNDER THE EDWARDS.
When Henry III. died, in November, 1272, Prince
Edward, the heir to the throne, had been absent two
years from England, engaged in the hopeless attempt
to wrest the Holy Land from the Saracens. Three
months before the prince's departure, the primate,
Boniface of Savoy, had died abroad, but, as the
Papacy had been vacant for nearly two years, the
see of Canterbury could not be filled up till the
cardinals should fix upon a successor to the chair of
St. Peter. They made up their differences at last,
and elected Theobald of Placentia, who assumed the
tiara on the ist of January, 1272, under the name of
Gregory X. The new pope had spent some time
in England in the retinue of the legate Ottobon,
but at the time of his election he was attached to the
staff, or household, of Prince Edward. After the
usual disputes as to the choice of a successor to the
archbishopric, the pope settled it in the usual way,
by consecrating, — just six weeks before the death of
Henry III., — his own nominee. This was Robert
Kilwarby, an Englishman and a Dominican friar, a
jnan of high reputation for learning, piety, and eamest-
, .^ \ bess. Such a man was not likely to be content with
^ \ ^-Ihe state of affairs which his predecessor had left
A.D. 1355.] UNDER THE EDWARDS. lOI
behind him ; and, indeed, he appears to have had a
desire to play the part of a reformer.
Crippled and thwarted as the archbishops of Can-
terbury were by the jealous antagonism of the monks
of Christ Church and St. Augustine, to reform abuses
was a very serious undertaking. If the archbishop
was ever to effect anything, he must be ably and
loyally supported by his archdeacon, on whom very
much of the routine administration of the diocese
necessarily fell. Unhappily, the archdeaconry of Can-
terbury had been held for twenty years by an Italian,
and, as a consequence, grave abuses had grown up
and much injustice had been complained of So,
too, the Court of Arches, — the highest ecclesiastical
court in England, — had fallen into much disrepute.
Men said it was a place of extortion, where the pro-
cedure was cumbrous and costly, and causes were
delayed vexatiously, or decided not upon their merits.
The Court of Arches sorely needed reform. The
new primate had a friend whom he trusted, one
William de Middleton, who had studied law at
Paris and Oxford, and had become celebrated as a
preacher in an age when preachers were not rare.
Not many months after the archbishop^s consecration
we find William de Middleton appointed Dean of the
Arches, and already attempting a change in the pro-
cedure of the court ;^ three years after this he became
Archdeacon of Canterbury,^ a vacancy having at last
' Collier, ii., 574. It was not, however, till thirteen years
after this that the real reform of the court was carried out hy
Archbishop Winchelsey. — Wilkins, ii. , 205.
' Gervase, ii., 282.
t t t
I02 NORWICH. [a.D. I278-
occurred in what was then a very important and in-
fluential office. He had held the archdeaconry just
two years^ when the see of Norwich fell vacant, and, the
licence having been speedily obtained from the king^
he was elected to the bishopric on the 24th February,
and consecrated by his friend the primate on the
29th May, 1278. It was almost the last public act
of the archbishop in England. Shortly afterwards
he was summoned to Rome, was made a cardinal,
and resigned the archbishopric into other hands.
As to the new bishop of Norwich, he ^derived his
name from the village of Middleton, near Lynn, in
Norfolk, where his forefathers had held land for some
generations. The family had been rising in import-
ance of late, and had acquired property in Wiching-
ham, Rougham, and elsewhere in their native county.
Four at least of the bishop's brothers benefited more
or less by his advancement, and there is no reason
to believe that they were unworthy of the preferment
they received. Thomas became archdeacon of Suffolk;
Elias was made seneschal, or steward, of the bishop's
town of Lynn ; Ralph was promoted to the living
of Burston, in the bishop's gift ; and Walter was
standing counsel for St. Edmund's Abbey, and be-
came the founder of a family who long retained their
estates in the county of Norfolk.^
The six years which had elapsed since the great
fray between the citizens of Norwich and the monks
* He was succeeded in the archdeaconry by another Norfolk
, man, Robert of Yarmouth.
\ ^ Among the muniments at Rougham Hall the names of all
/dur brothers occur, executing and*, attesting charters.
A.D. 1355.] UNDER THE EDWARDS. I03
of the priory had been spent in laying out large sums
upon the monastic buildings and on Bishop Herbert's
vast church, which, after two hundred years, needed
repair, or, it is said, even completion. The time had
come for reopening the cathedral, after the restora-
tion, with an imposing ceremony ; accordingly, on
Advent Sunday, 1278 (27th November), a magnificent
religious pageantry was arranged, and the new bishop
was enthroned. The king and queen were present,
and the bishops of London, Hereford, and Water-
ford,^ with a large number of the nobility, took part
in the proceedings, and helped to increase the splen-
dour of the occasion. This business over, the bishop
next proceeded to hold a visitation of his diocese.
We read that this was carried out with unusual strict-
ness ; not only the secular, or parochial clergy, but
the monasteries too were compelled to submit to
inquiry, their privileges and immunities notwithstand-
ing. Archbishop Kilwarby had been succeeded by a
man of far more vigour and force of character in John
Peckham, a Franciscan friar, who had lost no time
in endeavouring to effect some trenchant reforms in
the Church of England ;2 and Bishop Middleton's
visitation must be taken as an indication of his
willingness to co-operate zealously with the primate.
It was during this same year, 1279, that the famous
statute of Mortmain was passed, — a statute the object
of which was to prevent the further acquisition of
' Stephen Fulburn. He was Treasurer of Ireland in 1274,
and subsequently Lord Chief Justice. In 1286 he became
Archbishop of Tuara.
• Stubbs, "Const. Hist.," ii., 112.
I04 NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
landed property by religious or other corporations,^
and which was acquiesced in by the nation at large,
the more readily because of the immense influence
already acquired by the mendicant orders who were
opposed to religious endowments.
Next year Archbishop Peckham himself made a
visitation of the monasteries in the diocese of Nor-
wich. He spent more than two months in this
visitation, which was extraordinarily rigorous and
searching;^ the result leaves a very favourable impres-
sion upon us of the condition of the religious houses
in Norfolk at the time. King Edward I. paid three
visits to Norfolk in Bishop Middleton's days; it is
not improbable that his presence in the county during
the years 1281 and 1284 may have been occasioned
by the frightful floods and consequent distress which
fell upon the people during these years, and of which
it is pleasant to find evidence in the rolls of the
priory at Norwich, recording large distributions of
corn to the poor at the time of the distress. But the
most disastrous catastrophe, and far surpassing the
two previous ones in the extent of the misery it occa-
sioned, was the great flood of the year 1287, when
hundreds were drowned by an incursion of the sea
which extended from the Wash to the Irwell, and laid
whole villages under water, — the calamity being most
fatal in the districts of Marshland and the broads.
It was while the county was still suffering from this
terrible visitation that the great church at Yarmouth
was consecrated, an event of sufficient public impor-
» ** Select Charters," 448.
* See note (C).
A.D. 1355.] UNDER THE EDWARDS. I05
tance to deserve mention in the chronicles of the
time.
Bishop MiDDLETON held the see of Norwich for just
ten years, and died at his manor of Terling, in Essex,
on the 31st August, 1288. He had but lately re-
turned from Gascony, where he had been steward of
the Royal Household, having been compelled to
accompany the king when he left England, in May,
1286. In his later years he was closely attached to
the court, and thereby effectually prevented from
being as active a bishop as, on his first appointment,
he seemed likely to become. Possibly the king knew
his man, and kept him at his own side. For the rest
it is significant that we now first find in the Norwich
Priory Rolls entries of payments to the poor scholars
at Oxford, whom the convent now begins to support
during their studies. The intellectual activity of the
time had extended to East Anglia.
Bishop MiDDLETON was buried in the Lady Chapel
on Sunday, the 12th September,^ and that same day
two of the Norwich monks set off to obtain from the
king — then in Aragon — the necessary licence to pro-
ceed to the election of a successor. By the 6th of
November they were back again, and on the following
Thursday, the nth, they had unanimously chosen
Ralph de Walpole bishop of the see.
The new bishop was the son of John Walpole of
Houghton, in the county of Norfolk,^ where his family
* Cotton's expression is, **.... in capella domini Norwy-
censis Episcopi." His three predecessors were certainly buried
in the Lady Chapel.
* **Norf. Antiq, Miscell.," vol. i., p. 274.
Io6 NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
possessed a capital mansion, and where he himself
held land. The Walpoles had been among the most
powerful people in East Anglia for at least a century
and a half, their estates lying chiefly in the fen country
and the Isle of Ely. The bishop elect had himself
been archdeacon of Ely since 1268, and during his
tenure of that office he had for some reason rendered
himself unpopular to his Norfolk and Suffolk rveigh-
bours. There was deep discontent at his election,
" and all with one consent cursed the whole convent,
and especially the electors;"^ nevertheless, the king
speedily confirmed the choice that had been made,
and after the usual formalities had been complied
with. Bishop Ralph was consecrated at Canterbury
on Midlent Sunday, 28th March, 1289.
The year before this, Jerome of Ascoli, — general of
the Franciscans, —had been chosen pope, and had
assumed the name of Nicholas IV. ; he was animated
by a passionate desire to promote a new crusade and
to unite Christendom in one more supreme effort to
recover the Holy Sepulchre from the infidels. Some
few men of eminence were roused to enthusiasm
by the pontiff'^s burning zeal, but the main body of
the English clergy were fully convinced that the day
for crusades was passed. They did not like the pope's
dream the better because they were most severely
taxed to give, if possible, effect to it. Tenth after
tenth was exacted from them; fresh imposts were
laid upon them, and the collectors sent round the
various dioceses showed no mercy to the poorest
chaplain or the neediest parish priest.
» Cotton, **De Rege Edwardo," p. 169.
A.D. 1355.] UNDER THE EDWARDS. I07
The money was handed over to the king, who took
it readily enough, but showed no intention of taking
the cross again. Matters did not improve when
Nicholas IV. died, in April, 1292, and Archbishop
Peckham in the following December. Once more, the
cardinals contrived to keep the papacy vacant for two
years and three months, and Edward I. was in no
hurry to fill up the see of Canterbury. The Church
of England was without a head, and the clergy with-
out a champion. On the 4th of July, 1294, the king
confiscated all the coin and treasure deposited in the
sacristies of the monasteries and cathedral churches.
The very next day the long interregnum in the papacy
came to an end by the election of Pope Celestine V. ;
but before the news could reach England the king
had gone on to demand from the clergy half their
incomes, and, monstrous as the requisition was, it was
actually enforced.^ In the following September,
Robert Winchelsey was consecrated archbishop of
Canterbury, but things did not come to a crisis till
two years later, when, in the Parliament assembled
at Bury St. Edmunds, the archbishop firmly resisted
any further concession, and ventured to brave the
wrath of his sovereign. The clergy, as a body, were
too much cowed and too impoverished to contemplate
any open opposition, but a deputation was sent from
the synod assembled at St. Paul's, on the 14th January,
to expostulate with the king. Among the deputies
* For the general history of these exactions, see Stubbs*s
*' Const. Hist," ii., 126, 131, and 145. That the Priory of
Norwich actually paid a half of all their revenues appears from
Cotton, p. 256. Compare Gervase, ii., 306.
I08 NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
were the bishops of Norwich and the archdeacon of
Norfolk, who appear to have been admitted to the
royal presence at Castleacre, in Norfolk, between the
20th January and the 2nd February ; they were treated
with the utmost scorn, and sent home with the briefest
answer.^ The king became more and more exaspe-
rated, and with the increase of his embarrassments
his violence increased beyond measure ; but in the
end the ecclesiastical difficulty was settled by a com-
promise — such as it was — only when the clergy had
been pillaged to an extent which would be impossible
for us to realise, and remains almost impossible to
believe.
It is during the brief episcopate of Bishop Ralph
that we first hear the voice of the East Anglian
diocese speaking with authority in reply to certain
interrogatories issued by Archbishop Peckham, in
1 29 1, preparatory to the assembly of a Provincial
Council on the subject of the projected Crusade.^
The replies sent in speak well for the general intelli-
gence of the East Anglian clergy; and are characterised
by marked courage, independence, and manliness of
tone.
Bishop Ralph had presided over the see of
Norwich just ten years when by one of those audacious
fiats which in the history of the papacy are only too
common, he was removed from the East Anglian
diocese. The see of Ely had become vacant, the
* Cotton, 318 et seq,; Gervase, ii., 314 et seq.; Edward I.
was at Walsingliam on the 2nd of February; Hardy's
''Syllabus," i., 856.
. * Cotton, 206 et seq,; Wilkins, "Cone," ii., p. 287.
A.D. 1355.] UNDER THE EDWARDS. I09
monks made choice of their Prior John Salmon to
succeed, though the king desired that his chancellor
John Langton should be elected. When an appeal
was made to Rome, the pope (Boniface VIII.) set
aside both candidates, translated Bishop Ralph to
Ely, and made John Salmon bishop of Norwich.
It was a compromise which served to weaken the
hands of the king of England and strengthen the
influence of the pope of Rome, while it gave the least
possible offence to the Ely convent.
The new bishop was consecrated by Archbishop
Winchelsey, at Canterbury, on the 5th of November,
and early in the following month he was in his diocese.
He did not show himself at Norwich till the beginning
of January, and he seems very rarely to have resided
there except for a few days at a time during his whole
episcopate. For nearly six years he continued dis-
charging his duties at home without any intermission
and exhibiting a commendable activity in more ways
than one. Towards the end of 1305 he disappears,
leaving one Nicholas Whitchurch, a prebendary of
Lincoln, as his vicar general. His absence may have
been occasioned by his being sent on the king's
business to Avignon ;i he was back again in Norwich,
in May, 1307. Next month he was sworn of the
king's council, and for the rest of his life he is more
conspicuous for the part he played in civil than in
ecclesiastical affairs. Indeed, from November, 1307,
till August, 131 1, he was only twice in his diocese,
for six months in 1308, and for a few weeks in
» Stubbs's •* Const. Hist.," ii., 155.
no. NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
1309.^ In 1320 he was made chancellor in the room
of Hotham, bishop of Ely, and it was while returning
from an embassy to France, in 1325, that he fell sick,
and was carried to the Priory of Folkestone, where he
died on the 6th of July, after presiding over the see
of Norwich nearly twenty-six years.
Bishop Salmon appears to have been a man of
humble extraction, and had passed all his early life
in the monastery of Ely. He was much given to
building, as the great works carried out by him in
the enlargement of the palace at Norwich showed.
In his later years the cathedral cloisters were being
worked at with much energy ; ^ but though he had
been a monk and though it is said he presented
many rich vestments to the priory, he was far less
conspicuous as a spoiler of the parochial clergy than
many of those bishops who preceded and followed
him. One instance of his following the bad example
set by others deserves to be recorded. He built a
college for six. priests with a chapel attached and a
crypt or charnel-house under it, and endowed it after
the usual fashion by alienating the tithes . of one of
the livings in his gift. The process was precisely
similar to that with which we in our own time have
become so familiar, whereby the endowment intended
for supporting one object is applied to the carrying
out of another. In the fourteenth century this was
regarded as meritorious by some people, when only the
secular or parochial clergy were despoiled for the benefit
* He took a prominent part in the synod summoned at
St. Paul's in December, 1309. — Wilkins, ii., 312, 314.
' This appears from the entries in the Pitanciar's Rolls.
A.D. I355'l UNDER THE EDWARDS. Ill
of the Regulars ; we of the nineteenth century are
less inclined to applaud it. Bishop Salmon's founda-
tion has survived to our own times, though another
alienation of the original endowment has changed
his college of priests with their chapel and crypt into
the Grammar school and Head-master's residence of
the city of Norwich, the bishop's appropriation of the
tithes still forming a portion of the endowment of the
modernised foundation.
* ♦ * * »
When Bishop Salmon retired from the chancellor-
ship in 1323 he was succeeded in that office by
Robert Baldok, archdeacon of Middlesex, who had
been connected with the chancery for many years.
He had recently been disappointed of the see of
Winchester, which the king had endeavoured to obtain
for him from the pope; for he had thrown in his lot with
the Despensers, who at this time were at the height of
their power. When Edward II. was summoned to
do homage for Gascony to Charles IV. of France, in
1324, the plot for the destruction of the Despensers
assumed a distinct shape. Bishop Stratford, who had
secured for himself the bishopric of Winchester which
Baldok had desired to have, was sent out as
ambassador from the king to the court of France;
with him went William Ayermin, another of those
clerks of the chancery who knew so well how to
make use of their opportunities to enrich themselves
and who had already heaped one rich prebend upon
another for his own advantage. The French embassy
failed, the envoys having no interest in its success
but the pope was at Avignon, and in his hands all
112 NORWICH. [a.D. 1278-
English preferment that was worth having now rested.
Ayermin^s name was not unknown to the pope, who
had more than once been solicited by the weak king
to provide for him^ and it is pretty clear that he
turned to account the occasion of his brief mission to
the French court. In January, 1325, Bishop Salmon
was sent over as envoy, and on the 7th of that month
Ayermin was chosen to the vacant see of Carlisle.
He received the temporalities of that bishopric on
the 19th of February and presumably enjoyed them for
some months. When the question of his consecra-
tion came up the pope annulled the appointment.
Just then Bishop Salmon died. Queen Isabella had
deserted her husband and made common cause with
his enemies ; Edward II. and the Despensers stood
alone. Almost the only man of mark who was true
to his king at this crisis was Baldok the chancellor ;
as a matter of course, he received his reward and on
the 2 1 St of July he was elected to succeed to the
bishopric of Norwich, the king gladly giving his assent
to his chancellor's election. Meanwhile Ayermin
had been deprived of his bishopric, and was not the
man to lose his chance of getting another. Indeed,
it looks as if the pope in quashing his appointment
to Carlisle had " provided " him with a better see.
Bishop Salmon was evidently a dying man ; it was
better for Ayermin to bide his time. Baldok, the
chancellor, had scarcely been elected to the bishopric
before he too was told that the pope could not
allow him to be consecrated, and that in the lifetime
» "Hist. MSS.," Fourth Report, p. 381.
A.D. 1 415'] DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM. 1 29
extent which, if the evidence were not overwhelming,
would be incredible.
Against this moral obliquity and coarseness of
tone, the friars were still labouring in the towns, but
they had already begun to deteriorate. St. Francis
was right; the masses are to be dealt with only
by men living among the masses. The friars, though
true to their earlier vows, so far as to hold no real
property, before the fourteenth century had begun,
had already violated the spirit of those vows by in-
creasing the size and convenience of their conven-
tual buildings, by the magnificence of their churches,
and, above all, by their splendid libraries. The Car-
melites of Norfolk had a European reputation for
learning. Young men of active intellect and studious
habits, ambitious of making for themselves a name,
attached themselves to the Mendicant orders, while
the monasteries, and especially the houses of Augus-
tinian canons, were the comfortable homes of younger
sons of the gentry, living the kind of life which
Fellows of Colleges lived at Cambridge or Oxford
till quite recent times. The glimpses we get of the con-
ventual life in the priories of Wymondham and Binham
leave, on the whole, a favourable impression, and when
we hear of disorders and irregularities elsewhere, as at
the Premonstratensian Abbey of Wendling in 1345,^
it is only by finding that an inquiry has been insti-
tuted with a view to correct the evils complained of.
On the other hand, the exactions levied upon the
less powerful religious houses were enormous, and
* Carthew's **Launditch," i., 313.
K
130 NORWICH. [a.D. 1356-
the facility with which a prior or an abbess could get
a convent into a condition of hopeless embarrassment
was the cause of many a small foundation being in-
corporated with a larger in some cases, as when the
smaller priories of Massingham and Peterstone were
absorbed by that of Westacre, or Wormegay by the
canons of Pentney, while in other cases a convent
ceased to exist, as the Nunnery of Lyng, or was
actually sold, as the Benedictine Priory of Wyn-
waloe was in 132 1. No surer proof could be adduced
that the work of the monasteries was done when the
friars came over to England, than is furnished by the
fact that not a single instance occurs of any monastery
of the old type having been set up in the diocese of
Norwich after the reign of Henry III. Before the
fourteenth century closed even the friaries had ceased
to be founded, and the effect of the awakening of a
new intellectual life had become apparent by the en-
dowments of those colleges of which Rushworth
College was one of the earliest examples.
If the episcopate of Thomas Blundeville marks
an epoch, because during his time the Mendicant
orders first settled among us, not the less so does that
of Thomas Percy, of whose administration we know
so little. Young though he was when he was promoted
to the see, he was already a graduate of Oxford,
and therefore certainly no unlettered ecclesiastic.
Bradwardine, the last of the great schoolmen whom
Oxford could boast of, died of the Black Death
in 1349. But Richard Fitzralph, archbishop of
Armagh, was showing himself the uncompromising
enemy of the Mendicants, and the fierce warfare
A.D. 1415.] DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM. 131
between the Realists and the Nominalists was at its
height.
When Bishop Percy was consecrated at Lambeth,
in January, 1356, John Wickliffe had been a leading
teacher at Oxford for some years. The future bishop
must have seen him often ; probably often had listened
to him among the crowd of young enthusiasts who
looked to him as the bringerin of new things. There
is some reason to believe that Bishop Percy had no
kindly feeling towards the monks on his first coming
to the see, and it is significant that the earliest charter
wherein his name occurs is one which has to do with
the reunion of the two moieties into which the living
of Eggemere had been divided in earlier times. In
the sixth year of his episcopate, another terrible out-
break of pestilence burst upon the country. This
time East Anglia escaped with comparative immunity,
and there is no evidence to show that there was any
abnormal mortality among the clergy or laity. Out-
side the diocese it was otherwise ; the upper classes
especially suffered, and in a single year the bishops
of London, Ely, Worcester, and St. David's, fell victims
to the scourge. After the plague, came a mighty
wind that blew, and the tremendous hurricane on
St. Anthony's Day, January 17th, 1362, did not spare
the cathedral ; the lofty belfry on the central tower
succumbed to the fury of the gale, and came crashing
down upon the roof of the choir. The young bishop
lost no time in repairing the damage, and, after
himself contributing largely, he imposed an income-
tax of ninepence in the pound upon his clergy
for the restoration of the mother church, and the
K 2
132 NORWICH. [a.D. 1356-
glorious clerestory of the choir is the work of his
episcopate.^
Whatever else he may have been, he was no courtier;
he seems to have remained quietly in his diocese, and
never to have left it. In the domestic or foreign
politics of the country he took no part. He died at
his manor of Blofield on the 8th August, 1369, little
more than thirty-five years of age.
Chaucer and Gower were a few years his seniors.
The author of "Piers Plowman's Vision," as it is called,
mentions the hurricane of 1362 as of recent occur-
rence. Sir John Mandeville, the traveller, survived
him by two years. The year before he died, John
Wickliffe had published his work on " Dominion,"
and was probably already issuing his translation of
the Bible. The glory of King Edward had begun
seriously to wane, and the Black Prince was stricken
with the mortal disease which was so soon to bring
him to his grave.
When Bishop Percy died, the pope was once more
in residence at Rome. For more than sixty years the
supreme pontiffs had been kept away from Italy, and
had held their court at Avignon. No successor of
St. Peter had been seen in the eternal city since
Benedict XI. left it on the 3rd April, 1304. The
return of Urban V. in August, 1367, and the security
which he enjoyed during his brief sojourn, were
mainly due to the masterly generalship of two Eng-
lishmen, Sir John Hawkwood, the great captain of
* The stone vaulting of the clerestory was added about a
century later by Bishop Goldwell, who substituted it for the
timber roof of Bishop Percy.
A.D. 141 5.] DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM. 1 33
the age, and his scarcely less renowned colleague,
Sir Henry le Despenser. Sir Henry was a younger
son of Edward le Despenser, by Anne, daughter of
Henry Lord Ferrers of Groby, and was descended
from Joan, second daughter of King Edward I. By
taste and education he was a soldier, and as a soldier
he had acquired already a Europiean reputation. He
was at the pope's side when the news of the vacancy
in the see of Norwich reached Rome, and he had de-
served well of the pontiff, who yet had little to reward
his supporters with, except such Church preferment
as it might be in his power to bestow. How the
affair was managed we are not told,. but, on April 20th,
1370, Henry le Despenser was consecrated at
Rome bishop of Norwich, and on August 14th he
received the temporalities of the see, being described
in the pope's bull as canon of Salisbury. ^ I cannot
find that he saw his diocese for two years after his
appointment, though the institution books show that,
when in residence, he was not remiss in the routine
work of his office. His ordinations were usually
carried on by one or another of the many bishops
with outlandish titles ^ who were at this time
visiting in England. These were frequently mem-
bers of some religious house exempt from episcopal
jurisdiction, which preferred to have a bishop of
its own to hold ordinations and confirmations
* It does not at all follow that he was therefore in Holy
Orders. On the subject of laymen holding cathedral prefer-
ment see a suggestive note in Cotton's ** Fast. Eccl. Hibem."
vol. i., p. 10.
« See note (C).
134 NORWICH. [a.D. 1356-
independently of the bishop of the diocese, whom,
however, it was politic to assist upon occasion by
acting as co-adjutor or suffragan, either during his
absence or when indolence or indisposition kept him
at home.
Of Bishop Despenser, or of his diocese, we hear
but little during the early years of his episcopate:
one incidental notice, however, must not be passed
over. In May, 137 1, Convocation agreed to a grant
of ;^5 0,000 to be levied upon the clergy of the two
provinces of Canterbury and York. From Bishop
Despenser's certificate it appears that the diocese at
this time contained an aggregate of 132 1 "parishes,"
806 in Norfolk and 515 in Suffolk, which were
required to contribute on the whole no less than
;^6,58o. The bishop is said to have been popular
among the parochial clergy, but he was no friend of
the Regulars, with whom he was more than once in
serious conflict Godwin says, there was a dispute
between him and the Norwich Priory which lasted for
fifteen years, and in 1380 he embroiled himself with
the great abbey of St. Alban's by claiming authority
over the prior of Wymondham, whom he nominated
as his collector for levying a royal subsidy. As usual
the abbey gained the day.
When the great agrarian rebellion of 1381 broke
out. Bishop Despenser's soldierly training was once
more called into exercise. The rebellion first began
at Dartford, in Kent, on the 5 th of June ; on the
13th the Kent and Essex men having united their
forces were in possession of London, and next day
they murdered the chancellor, the treasurer, and
A.p. I415.] DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM. 135
Simon Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury. On the
15 th Wat Tyler was slain in Smithfield, and on that
same day the SulTolk men began their excesses at
Mildenhall under John Wrawe, and proceeded to
murder Sir John Cavendish, chief justice of the
King's Bench, the prior of St. Edmunds, and others of
less note. In Norfolk the rebel leader was John
Litester, a dyer of Norwich, who styled himself the
"King of the Commons" and who seemed to be carrying
all before him. On the 15 th the bishop was in
residence at Norwich. The news of Tyler's death could
hardly have reached Norfolk for a day or two, but
messengers from Suffolk would be likely to bring their
alarming tidings to the bishop's palace on the night
after the tragedy. There was no time to be lost :
Litester had planted a motley host somewhere near
the town of North Walsham, fifteen or sixteen miles
to the north of Norwich, and the peasantry were
flocking into his camp in great numbers ; there was a
danger lest the Norfolk and Suffolk men should form
ajimction and co-operate to attack Norwich. The
bishop rode off to the westward, a distance of nearly
eighty miles as the crow flies, and reached one of his
manor houses at Burleigh, near Stamford, where he
hoped to raise a force. It is said that he started
from Burleigh with no more than eight lances, but
with them and a small band of archers he came upon
a detachment of Suffolk rebels near Newmarket and
fell upon them with terrible effect, took two of their
leaders prisoners, slew them, fixed their heads upon
spikes at Newmarket, and turning again to the north,
and leaving the Suffolk insurgents to themselves, he
A.D. I415.] DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM. 137
that campaign and what came of it may be read
elsewhere.
In the council held in London in May, 1382, the
bishop of Norwich took no part ; he never pretended
to be a scholar or divine. Like most soldiers, he
had no toleration for new-fangled notions, and he
was conspicuous as a determined opponent of the
Lollards. Let other bishops argue and discuss, hold
synods, and indulge in controversy. Bishop Despenser
would waste no time with heretics ; he knew his own
mind, and — "be his name for ever blessed," says
Walsingham — " he swore an oath, and never regretted
it, that if any of that perverse sect of Lollards should
presume to preach in his diocese he should be given
to the fire or lose his head. However great the
number of that faction," he adds, " never a one of
them, knowing their man, was willing to hurry into •
martyrdom, whence it came to pass that in his
bishopric faith and religion remained inviolate."
Nevertheless, it was in the diocese of Norwich, and
in Bishop Despenser's days, that William Sawtre, —
the first Englishman that suffered death for preaching
heresy, — began to publish his opinions. He was a
chaplain of the parish of St. Margarets, Lynn, and
while officiating there he received a citation to appear
before the bishop at Elmham on the ist May, 1399 ;
here he renounced his errors in the bishop's chapel
on the 25 th May, and next day publicly recanted at
Lynn, and swore to preach such doctrines no more.
About two years after this he again fell into trouble
in the diocese of London. Probably, as was after-
wards the case with Bilney, his conscience gave him
138 NORWICH. [ajC; ^356-
no rest for his previous weakness, and, having been
put upon his trial as a relapsed heretic, he was
degraded from his orders and condemned to be
burned on the 26th of February, 1401.
For more than thirty-six years did Bishop Despenser
rule over his see, and he died at last, leaving no will
behind him, on the 23rd August, 1406. " A man,"
says Walsingham, "who, as he was the most con-
summate soldier of his time, so did he not forget the
debt he owed to the pope." The pope could, and
did, make him a bishop ; he could not, and did not
wish to unmake the soldier. Posterity has given him
the name by which he is known, — "The fighting
bishop of Norwich."
During this episcopate a serious dispute occurred
between the bishop and the Norwich priory, which
seems to have lasted some time. We are ignorant of
the grounds of the quarrel, but there was an appeal to
Rome, and the matter was settled at last, in 1396,
by the award of Cardinal Cosmato Mighorati, the
collector of the papal revenue in England, who
eventually became Pope Innocent VI I.^
Much energy was shown towards the close of the
fourteenth century in beautifying the cathedral, pro-
bably in continuation or completion of the great
undertakings begun in Bishop Percy's time ; and in
the archives of Westminster Abbey there is still pre-
served a bull of Pope Boniface IX. [a.d. 1399]
granting an indulgence to all such as should con-
tribute to the building of the mother church at
Norwich.
» •* Fifth Hist. MSS. Reports," p. 450.
A.D. 1 415.] DURING THE PAPAL SCHISM. I39
The great schism in the papacy, which began in
1378, was not an unmixed evil in the eyes of English
statesmen desirous of resisting the aggressive policy
of the Roman see ; but though the statute of Pro-
visofs was re-enacted in 1390, and the still more
trenchant statute of Praemunire in 1393, the weakness
of the government of Richard II. and the intrigues
of the political parties contrived to rob these enact-
ments of much of their force. ^ It was not till
Henry IV. became king, and then only for a very little
while, that the election to English bishoprics became
in any sense free from the dictation or control of
the pope. For the first time for many a long day
the monks of Norwich were allowed freely to choose
a successor to Bishop Despenser, and once more
they chose a monk — their own prior — Alexander of
ToTTiNGTON, and, as his name indicates, a Norfolk
man. A picturesque account of his election in
the chapter-house has come down to us, and the
unanimity with which he was welcomed by all classes,
speaks highly for his blameless life and the high
estimation in which he was held. He was coiise-
crated at Gloucester 23rd October, 1407, and held
the bishopric for less than six years, dying 28th April,
1 41 3. We hear little more of him than that he spent
large sums in repairing the bishop's houses at Nor-
wich and elsewhere which had fallen into great decay.
His successor was Richard Courtenay, of the family
of the earls of Devon, and nephew of William
Courtenay, archbishop of Canterbury, who died in
1 Stubbs's ** Const. Hist.,'* § 708.
I40 NORWICH; [a.D. 1356-
1396. His kinship to the primate soon brought him
preferment,^ but something else besides high birth
must have helped to make him four times chancellor
of the University of Oxford in an age when such a
position implied more than mere titular distinction.
We know him to have been a man of many gifts, who
was so constantly employed in offices of trust by
Henry IV. and Henry V. that he never found time
to be installed at Norwich, and left the palace, and,
indeed, the entire administration of the diocese to
John, the archbishop of Smyrna, of whom we have
heard before. Bishop Courtenay held the bishopric
of Norwich for two years and four days. During
those two years the archbishop of Smyrna ordained
at Norwich 128 subdeacons, 132 deacons, and 114
priests, all whose names are to be found on the
records. It seems to have been a peculiarity in the
diocese of Norwich that, except in the cases where
an applicant for holy orders had been presented with
a living, every candidate gave the name of some
religious house as his title for ordination, — on what
theory I am unable to explain.
* He became successively Dean of St. Asaph, Canon of York,
and Dean of Wells.
A.D. 153^] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. I4I
CHAPTER IX.
THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
Since the time when Bishop Despenser had shown
his terrible vigour against malcontents in Church or
State, had drawn his sword against rebels in 1381,
charged Litester at North Walsham, forced William
Sawtre to recant his heresies at Elmham in 1399, and
made John Edward abjure in 1405, there had been
no persecution in the diocese of Norwich. Bishop
ToTTiNGTON was lovcd and respected ; Bishop
CouRTENAY was ncvcr in his diocese at all ; but the
leaven of Wickliffe's doctrine, the leaven of LoUardism,
had been working, and there was much murmuring
and discontent. Among the masses there was a great
deal of vague talk, which, if it meant anything, meant
the preaching of communism and the spoliation of
the rich ; while among the religious fanatics' the
favourite teachers were those who denounced the
clergy, and averred that some of the most sacred
truths, which the Church had taught from the earliest
times, were the inventions of men who had gone
astray. The discontented, however different their
grievances, made common cause, and the " party of
order" in Church and State found it necessary to
unite in resisting the forces arraigned against it. The
I^ollards were a motley throng without organisation,
142 NORWICH. [a.D. 1415-
without leaders, and without any definite religious or
political creed : their tenets were in the chaotic stage,
or rather, they were a nebulous mass in which, whatever
there was of light was the light of luminous vapour
not yet fixed into form. It was only a question of
time as to when the conflict between the classes in
Church and State which had everything to lose and
the classes which had everything to gain by revolu-
tion should begin, and the time was at hand.
Henry IV. died 20th March, 141 3. On the next
day Archbishop Arundel was, from reasons of State,
removed from the chancellorship, and he immediately
laid a proposition before the Parliament to commence
active proceedings against the Lollards. The result
was that Sir John Oldcastle, a personal friend of
Henry V., and who had commanded the Burgundian
force in the combat before St. Cloud in 1411, was
brought before the Archbishop on a charge of heresy
on the 23rd September^ and condemned on the 25th.
On being taken back to the Tower he made his
escape, and for four years he managed to elude his
persecutors, but he was caught and slaughtered at
last.2 Meanwhile the Lollards were everywhere rest-
less and angry, and more than one attempt was made
to stir up the party to a general rising ; they failed
signally, but the outlook in Church and State was
disquieting. It was even said that one of the motives
urging Henry V. to the war with France, was the hope
of turning the thoughts of his people from domestic
to foreign politics.
^ Bishop CouRTENAY was consecrated at Windsor on the 17th.
' He was hanged and bamed on the 14th December, 141 7.
A.D. 1536'] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 145
On the 24th July, 1415, the king made his will,
appointing Bishop Courtenay one of his executors,
and on the 14th August the English army landed at
the mouth of the Seine. In September Harfleur was
besieged ; and, while the army was encamped before
the town, the bishop of Norwich, who was in the
royal suite, fell sick and died on the 15th of the month,
just a week before the place capitulated. The battle
of Agincourt was fought on the 25th October, and on
the 23rd November the king entered London in
triumph. No time can have been lost in forwarding
to the priory at Norwich the congi d'ilire for choosing
a successor to Bishop Courtenay, for on the 25th
November the king wrote to the pope to confirm the
election of John Wakering, archdeacon of Canter-
bury, to the Bishopric of Norwich.
The new bishop was another of the great lawyers
for whose services ecclesiastical preferment was re-
served. As early as 1395 he had occupied an
important position in the Chancery, and he had been
Master of the Rolls from 1405 to this same year, 141 5.
While filling that office he was also archdeacon of
Canterbury, and was one of the most prominent
personages in the kingdom. At the time of his
election there was really no Pope,^ the three claimants
of the Papal chair having all been in one way or
another disposed of. The council of Constance,
* John XXIII. was formally deposed by the council of Con-
stance on May 29th, and Gregory XII. resigned on July 4th,
1415. Benedict XIII, was deposed on July 26th, 1417, and
Martin V. was elected on Nov. nth of the same year. Thus
the schism in the Papacy came to an end.
f44 NORWICH. [a.D. 1415-
which had assembled on the 5th November, 14 14,
was still sitting, and the Bishop of Norwich, after
being consecrated at St. Paul's, on 31st May, 1416,
was sent out two months afterwards as one of six
English delegates to take part in the election of the
new Pope, who was chosen accordingly on the nth
November, 141 7, and assumed the name of Martin V.
During Bishop Wakering's absence, the archbishop
of Smyrna acted for him as his suffragan, and he,
himself, does not appear to have shown himself to
his diocese till the spring of 141 8, when he held an
ordination in the chapel of the palace at Norwich on
the 26th March. How soon he began to exercise
severity against the Lollards must remain uncertain,
the documents which Foxe refers to, and dresses up
in his usual extravagant manner, having perished ;
but that the bishop showed himself stern and uncom-
promising to heretics can hardly be doubted, though
none were actually put to death for their opinions. .
Bishop Wakering died on the 9th of April, 1425,
in the ninth year of his episcopate. Though he
built a new chapter-house for the priory, and a
cloister from the palace to the cathedral, not one
stone of these edifices remains upon another.^ In the
nine years that he was bishop 489 deacons and 504
priests were ordained in the diocese, the larger
number by his suffragans ; but no instance occurred
of any ordination being held in the cathedral By the
legislation of the previous reign a check had been given
to the shameful appropriation of church property by
* The site of the cloister is given in Harrod*s plan **Norf.
Arch.** vol. vi., p. 27.
A.D. 1536.] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 1 45
the religious houses, and though already attempts had
been made to evade the statutes, no further spoliation
of country benefices had been effected, I think, in
the diocese of Norwich. When Bishop Wakering,
a year before his death, sent into the exchequer a
certificate of the number of benefices in his diocese,
which had been despoiled for the behalf of "poor
nuns and hospitallers" alone, it appeared that they
amounted to no less than sixty-five. These were,
however, a very small number of the parishes which
had been defrauded. How far the evil had gone
before the common sense of the nation revolted
against it may be inferred from the fact that, of the
914 benefices now comprehended within the East
Anglian diocese, 372 are vicarages, i.e., they had been
plundered by the monastic bodies.
I find one welcome indication of a liberal and
kindly spirit having animated Bishop Wakering, in
that on three occasions he presented villeins with
their freedom. In his time, too, I meet with the first
instance of a sufficient pension being granted to a
clergyman on resigning his living, when no longer
able, from blindness and old age, to do his duty.^
'When this bishop died, the condition of affairs in
England had once more thrown power into the hands
of the Pope, which he was not slow to use. The
records of our history at this time are very defective,
and it is sometimes difficult to trace the current of
events. This, however, is certain, that the see of
Norwich was vacant for more than a year, though one
^ Adam Coket, rector of Lopham, who retired in 1424,
L
146 NORWICH. [a.D. 1428-
JOHN Haford — of whom I can discover nothing but
his name — was formally translated by the Pope from
the see of Worcester, in July, 1425. As, however,
the same prelate had been translated to Lincoln in
February, 1424, and yet was never in possession of
that see, or of Worcester either, I infer that he was a
candidate for preferment, whom the Council (which
was now, in effect, governing the country for the
child-king) were strong enough to refuse admitting to
any English see. The Pope ^ave way, after a fashion ;
he "provided" for the see of Norwich on the 27th
February, 1426, appointing William Alnewick to
succeed in the event of a vacancy. John Haford,
it is to be supposed, went through the form of resig-
nation, and the new bishop, having paid 2,700 golden
florins in fees at the papal court, was consecrated at
Canterbury, on the 18th of August. He had been
a monk of St. Albans, and for a few months was
prior of Wymondham. At the time of his promotion
he was archdeacon of Salisbury, and had held other
preferment.
During the long vacancy the Lollards in East
Anglia had a respite from any active persecution,
and availed themselves of their opportunity with
much persistent activity. During the first year of
Bishop Alnewick's episcopate not much was to be
done. The Pope had expressed strong displeasure
against Archbishop Chichele, whom he believed to
be in some way to blame for not bringing about the
repeal of the Statute of Provisors ; and the quarrel
between the Pope and Primate turned the attention
of most churchmen from the sectaries ; but the feel-
A.D. 1536.] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. I47
ing in high quarters against the Lollards was increas-
ing in bitterness, and persecution was sure to begin
when occasion should serve. There is a curious in-
dication of the abhorrence with which orthodox
persons regarded the new doctrines, in the course of
an inquiry which was made, in the autumn of 1427,
into the misconduct of Isabella Hermyte, prioress of
the nunnery of Ridlingfield, in Suffolk, whose shame-
ful doings had given occasion to great scandal in the
neighbourhood, and led to formal charges being laid
against her. On being brought to trial before the
bishop's commissary, the wretched woman confessed
her immorality, but one accusation she vehemently
denied ; peculation, amounting to downright robbery
she could not gainsay; adultery was brought too
plainly home to her ; but the crime of Lollardy she
repudiated with vehement protests. She was not so
bad as that I
It was not until the year after this that the persecu-
tion of the Lollards began in earnest. The arch-
bishop issued letters on the 20th of May, for the
assembling of a council at St. Paul's Cathedral, to
deliberate on the best and most stringent measures
for utterly extirpating the new sect, and stamping out
the prevalent heresies. The council met on the 5th July,
and continued sitting till the 21st. So grievously had
the Regulars by this time become dominant over the
Seculars, so completely had the parish priests come
to be regarded as " the inferior clergy," that, though
from the diocese of Norwich no less than eighteen
representatives of the religious houses were summoned
to attend the council, the parochial clergy were re-
L 2
148 NORWICH. [a.D. 1428-
presented by no more than two proctors. The effect
of the council was soon felt, and the Lollards were
ever3rwhere proceeded against. On the nth Septem-
ber a diocesan synod was held in the chapel of the
bishop's palace at Norwich, to adjudicate upon the
case of one William White, a somewhat representative
man, as a teacher of the new doctrines. Six years
before (ist July, 1422), White had been cited before
the convocation at St. Paul's, and had been censured
for officiating in the parish church of Tenterden, in
Kent, without a sufficient licence from the archbishop,
and, further, for preaching and teaching heretical
doctrine. He gave way under the pressure that was
brought to bear upon him, abjured his peculiar tenets,
and was allowed to go, on giving a solemn engage-
ment to preach and teach no more. But his con-
science would not allow him to rest, and he soon
brought himself under grave suspicion ; he had made
the diocese of Canterbury too hot to hold him, and
he slipped away to Norfolk, where, in the absence of
any bishop appointed to the see, he might hope for
comparative safety.
In the valley of the Waveney, just on the borders
of the two counties, a remarkable religious move-
ment had been going on for some time. The leaders
were a small band of unbeneficed clergy, who
were what we should now call the curates-in-charge
of the parishes where they were living. At least
nine of these parish priests were implicated, of
whom the niost influential were, a certain Hugh Pie,
of Loddon (apparently a graduate of one of the
universities) who was looked upon as a kind of
A.D. 1536.] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. I49
apostle, and one Bartholomew, of Earsham, who is
spoken of as a monk whose influence in his immediate
neighbourhood was paramount The whole district
was in a ferment of religious excitement, and priests
and people seemed to be of one mind. White,
driven out of Kent, found safety and welcome here.
Settling at Gillingham, a village on the Norfolk side
of the Waveney, and scarcely a mile from the town
of Beccles, which was the stronghold of the move-
ment, he soon found warm friends and supporters.
He cast off the clerical habit, allowed his hair to
grow on the tonsure, and fearlessly took to himself
a wife, to whom he was married, probably, by one of
the priests who sympathised with him. He had been
enjoying his security for about two years, when the
storm burst upon him, and when the council met, in
July, 1428, he was cited to appear, and answer for
his relapse. Of course, he disregarded the citation,
and was excommunicated for his contumacy, but
his fate was sealed. The council adjourned on the
2 1 St July, and Bishop Alnewick, who had taken
part in it, returned to his own diocese. On the 13th
September a provincial synod was held in the chapel
of the palace at Norwich, and White was brought up
for judgment, in chains. His condemnation followed,
as a matter of course, and he was sentenced to be
burned as a relapsed heretic, who had preached in
the diocese of Norwich the errors which six years
before he had renounced and abjured. The poor
man appears to have shown some firmness and
courage at the last ; but the horror inspired by his
fete, which was then an almost unheard of novelty.
150 NORWICH. [a.D. 1415-
struck terror into the minds of his followers, and
during the next three years, as the persecution went
on, at least one hundred and twenty of the Norfolk
and Suffolk Lollards abjured, and, though no more
were brought to the stake, almost all were more or
less troubled by the relentless bishop, and the Regu-
lars, who were his great supporters. Some of these
poor people were compelled to give up their English
translation of the New Testament, some were con-
demned to do public penance iti various ways ; some
were sentenced to terms of imprisonment, one of
them for life, in the monastery of Langley. If not
convinced, they were, at any rate, silenced, and for a
hundred years we hear of heresy in the diocese of
Norwich no more. For once, persecution was
effectual ; the time for toleration of error, much less
for freedom of opinion, had not yet arrived.
Bishop Alnewick had been just ten years bishop
of Norwich when Pope Eugenius IV. translated him
to the see of Lincoln, and appointed in his room
Thomas Brown, who himself had a year ago been
consecrated bishop of Rochester. The death of the
great duke of Bedford just twelve months before had
already made itself felt as a calamity to England.
The king, not yet fifteen years of age, was still in the
hands of his council, who were too much divided in
their interests to watch very jealously over the royal
prerogative, and the pope's nominee was accepted
with hardly a protest. His episcopate was uneventful,
except for a quarrel with the citizens of Norwich, and
another dispute with the prior of the monastery. He
seems to have passed the greater part of his time in
A.D. 153^0 THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 151
his diocese, and he was the first bishop of whom it
is recorded, in the archives of the see, that he held
an ordination in the cathedral. This was when,
on the 12 th April, 1438, he personally ordained
seventeen deacons and nine priests.^ His favourite
residence was at Hoxne — perhaps from its central
situation — and it was here that he died on the 6th
December, 1445.^ The next half of that dreary
fifteenth century passed in the diocese of Norwich
with a dull monotony, and there is nothing to record
that is worth our while to dwell upon.
At Bishop Brown's death it is said that Henry VI.
wished to promote his own confessor, John Stanberv,
a Carmelite friar, to succeed ; but the earl of Suffolk,
who was then at the zenith of his power, and had
recently received the thanks of both Houses of Parlia-
ment for hi^ part in negotiating a peace with France,
and bringing about the marriage of the young king,
brushed the Carmelite aside, and managed to get
Walter Lyhart appointed in his stead. He was a
native of Cornwall, a distinguished Oxford graduate,
a doctor of divinity, and provost of Oriel College.
He had held many preferments, and besides being
* The whole number ordained during his episcopate was
495 deacons and 476 priests. The larger number of these were
ordained by suffragans.
• The bishops of Norwich seem to have placed the palace at
Norwich at the disposal of their suffragans for at least the first
seventy years of the fifteenth century. How much earlier and
how much later they may have done so I am not in a position
to say. After Bishop Salmon's time the palace was always too
large for the Bishops of the See. Cf. Harrod, " Norf. Arch.,**
vi.,33. ..-
152 NORWICH. [a.D. 141 5-
<:haplain to the earl of Suffolk, was confessor to
Queen Margaret. He was consecrated at Lambeth
•on the 26th February, 1446, and enthroned in the
cathedral at Norwich on the 3rd April following.
Contemporary with the luckless Bishop Pecock, who
himself was a fellow of Oriel, he appears to have
befriended that versatile but erratic man of genius as
long as it was possible, as indeed his predecessor
Bishop Alnewick did, after he had been translated
to Lincoln, and Lyhart was one of those to whom
Pecock sent a copy of his famous sermon at St. Paul's
cross in 1447. It is said, indeed, that Pecock owed
his promotion to the see of Chichester to the influence
of Lyhart ; but as time went on it was no longer
possible for him to support his early friend. When
his old patron, the earl of Suffolk, was recommended
by Henry VI. to leave England for five years, till the
furious storm of unpopularity, which his enemies had
raised against him, should peradventure subside,
Lyhart was one of those who entered a protest
against the judgment. How vain that protest was is
well known.
During the whole of Bishop Lyhart's time the
condition of Norfolk, socially and morally, was all
that it should not have been : if the clergy were not
better than the laity, they could not possibly have
been worse. The Paston letters reveal a state of
anarchy and violence which would have been abso-
lutely incredible, but for the unimpeachable evidence
of those wonderful documents. Yet, in the midst of
all this grossness and violence and corruption, the
bishop was trying to keep up discipline among his
A.D. 1536.] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 153
clergy, visiting his diocese, and carrying on very ex-
tensive archftectural improvements in the cathedral.
A disastrous fire had occurred in the church in March,
1463, which, it is presumed, destroyed the roof; for
the bishop set himself to cover the nave with the
splendid stone vaulting which remains as the glorious
monument of his munificence. The changes effected
in the appearance of the vast pile during the fifteenth
century were very considerable. Bishop Alnewick
began them by building the great west door, and
doing away with the narrower and meaner Norman
entrance, and by providing, in his will, for the con-
struction of the huge west window, which, whatever
its defects may be, certainly served to dispel the
gloom which must have characterised Bishop
Herbert's long nave. Bishop Lyhart's vaulted
roof followed, and his successor in the see completed
the vaulting of the choir. It is said that the stone
roofs of the transepts were completed by the last
bishop of Norwich who held the ancient barony and
revenues of the see. Bishop Lyhart died on the
24th May, 1472. His will has been preserved, and
proves him to have been to the last the same munifi-
cent prelate he was during life, — a friend and patron of
scholars and learned men, lavish in his benefactions,
and showing his love for Oxford, where he had been
bred, and for Cambridge, too, which had claims upon
his regard.
His successor was James Goldwell, another
Oxford man, educated at All Souls' College, but
subsequently president of St. George's Hall in the
same university. He became dean of Salisbury in
154 NORWICH. [a.D. I415-
1463. He had been sent on an embassy to Pope
Sixtus V. about the time of Bishop Lyhart's death,
and was consecrated at Rome on the 4th October,
1472. Though he held his bishopric for more
than twenty-six years, there are few bishops of the
see of whose administration, or of whose personal
history, so little is known. He died on the
5th February, 1499, and was succeeded by Thomas
Jane, archdeacon of Essex and canon of Windsor,
who was consecrated in the following October, and
died eleven months after. He paid the pope no less
than 7,300 golden florins in fees on his appointment.
Of him and his doings in the diocese there is
nothing to tell.
There is no chapter in English history so melan-
choly as that which deals with the period embraced
between the death of Henry V. and the battle of
Bosworth. No sixty years of our annals contain
such hideous records of ferocity and turbulence, of
private warfare and violence, of vindictive murders
and enormous lying. If there was not absolute
anarchy in the time of Henry VI. it was only because
the various orders clung together with a certain
professional esprit de corps. Every man was, in some
sense, a member of a faction, and looked to his fac-
tion for such protection and support as it could afford.
It looks as if during those miserable sixty years
politicians, lawyers, and churchmen were trying the
grotesque experiment of doing without one another.
And^ yet in the midst of all the turmoil and blood-
shed and sorrow, literature and learning were being
cultivated with; no little enthusiasm, and art was by
A.D. 1536-] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 155
no means dead. Whatever may have been the case
in other dioceses, it is certain that the bishops of
Norwich during the fifteenth century were resident in
their see, and that they were prominent personages
as scholars and men of culture and learning. But
the only course open to them was one of " masterly
inaction " : all that could be hoped for was to keep
things going and to hold themselves aloof from the
fierce brawls of rival parties, between whom they
might now and then arbitrate when both sides were
exhausted by their fury. It is clear that the East
Anglian bishops were men of peace, and that their
influence was not inconsiderable in encouraging lite-
rary tastes and studious habits among their clergy
Pitts, in his list of distinguished Englishmen of letters
who flourished during the latter half of the fifteenth
century, mentions no less than twenty-four Norfolk
men who were recognised as prominent scholars,
controversialists, historians, or students of science.
Their names, for the most part, have gone down into
silence; but Lydgate, the monk of Bury, will not
soon be forgotten ; and Walsingham, the historian, is
still read ; and John Skelton, rector of Diss, in
Norfolk, has found a laborious editor of his voluminous
works in our own time. The printing-press had begun
its mighty revolution, and one of the earliest speci-
mens of Pynson's art was an edition of the works of
John Tonney, an Augustinian friar at Norwich, who
was renowned for his devotion to Greek literature at
a time when the language of Hellas was known to
very few. The wills of East Anglian clergy during
this time make frequent mention of their books, and
156 NORWICH. [a.D. 1415-
the constant occurrence of the names of the country
parsons as feoffees in the settlements of the estates of
the landed gentry goes far to prove that they were
respected and trusted by their people.
On the whole, the impression left upon me by
the examination of all the evidence that has come
to hand is that the condition of the diocese of
Norwich in the fifteenth century reflects credit upon
the bishops of the see and the clergy over whom
they ruled.
The episcopate of Bishop Nix marks an epoch
in our history. The long period of intestine warfare
had come to an end. The nation had begun to
profit by its repose ; the spirit of inquiry had been
aroused in all classes; a wave of religious fervour
had begun to roll over Europe, but no longer to be
kept within the old banks. Intellectual life was to
be noted everywhere; the printer and the school-
master were abroad. The new bishop of Norwich was
by no means the man to lead the onward movement,
which it needed no great sagacity to perceive would
run its course ; he was emphatically a man who had
everything to gain by clinging not so much to what
was good in the past as to the good things which the
past had to offer him. He is the only bishop of
Norwich on whose character even calumny has cast
a slur, and we would fain hope that the bitterness
and indignation which his cruelty and vindictiveness
were calculated to arouse may have tempted some
who abhorred those vices to invent charges of an-
other kind which have never been supported by the
shadow of evidence, or, indeed, ever been put for-
A.D. 1536-] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 157
ward in a form which would admit their being
refuted.
Richard Nix was a Somersetshire man, and a
scholar of no mean pretention. He had graduated
at Oxford, had thence passed over to Bavaria, where
he had diligently studied law, and, as early as 1473,
he had been admitted to holy orders, and was bene-
ficed in the diocese of Sarum.
Preferment came upon him thick and fast. In 1497
he was promoted to a stall at Windsor, where one of
his fellow-canons was Thomas Jane, his immediate
predecessor in the bishopric.
He was consecrated on the i8th April, 1501, and
at once went down to his diocese.
We hear very little about him or his doings for some
years ; but it is evident that, in spite of all that had
been done to keep down the sectaries, the fire was
smouldering, and the bringers-in of new things and
the declaimers against the established order were
bestirring themselves in secret with much earnestness
and activity. We must accept with exceeding caution
the stiatements of John Foxe, when he tells us that
Thomas Norrice was burnt on the 31st March, 1507;
that Thomas Ayers, a priest of Norwich, was burnt
at Eccles in 15 10; and Thomas Bingey burnt at
Norwich in 1511. At the most, this burning can
have been no more than brandings but it is quite
clear that the bishop, thus early in his career, was
making himself conspicuous by his hatred and severity
against the innovators, lay or clerical, and was deter-
mined to spare none.
It was about ten years after this first display of
158 NORWICH. [a.D, 1415-
intolerance that a little band of Norfolk men in the
university of Cambridge were becoming suspected
for their dangerous opinions and their audacity in
maintaining them. These were Thomas Arthur,
fellow of St. John's ; Thomas Bilney, fellow of
Trinity Hall ; John Lambert, fellow of Queen's ; and
Robert Barnes, prior of the Augustinian friars. It
must have been while they were still young at their
studies that Tyndal, who was their senior by many years,
removed from Oxford and settled at Cambridge,
where he became famous for his knowledge of Greek
and for something else besides. TyndaPs influence
upon young men was that of a fervid enthusiast with
wide s)anpathies and deep earnestness. We shall
never know how widely it extended, for over this
part of his life much obscurity rests ; but it is certain
that John Frith, of King's College, was one of his
converts, and almost as certain that the little clique
of Norfolk graduates were his disciples. The most
passionately zealous of them all was Bilney, who,
gifted with great fluency, gave himself up to preach-
ing, first in the diocese of Ely and then in that of
Norwich.
About 1325 it seems that some serious steps were
taken to break up this little society. P'rith removed
to Oxford. Tyndal himself, the year before, had
found it necessary to leave England and take up
his residence on the Continent, where Lambert soon
joined him and became chaplain to the English
factory at Antwerp. Barnes, for a sermon preached on
Christmas Eve, was thrown into prison, escaped, and
took refuge in Germany, where he became intimate
A.D. 1536.] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 159
with most of the leading German reformers. Only
Bilney and Arthur remained. Yes, there was one more,
though he was in no way connected with Norfolk, —
this was Hugh Latimer, then cross-bearer of the
university of Cambridge, who in after years declared
that he had been one of Bilney's converts, and who,
at the time, was intimately associated with him in
more ways than one. Latimer was still in residence
at Cambridge, though deeply suspected, and not
likely to escape the persecutors much longer. i
Bilney and Arthur had sought a refuge nearer home.
Bilney appears to have lived for some time as an
itinerant preacher in the diocese of Norwich,* every-
where creating a great sensation by reason of his pug-
nacious aggressiveness, provoking violent opposition
from those who were not prepared for the new
doctrine. It was quite evident that the two Norfolk
reformers would not long be tolerated : and accord-
ingly on the 27th November, 1527, they were brought
before Cardinal Wolsey and a large assemblage of
bishops, lawyers, and divines, on a charge of heresy.
On the 2nd December, Arthur recanted, and was
ordered to do penance, and seems to have been con-
fined at Walsingham, where he died obscurely in
1532. Bilney, too, recanted, and was kept in prison
' His submission made before Convocation, 20th March, 1532,
may be read in Wilkins, iii., 747*
* One valuable instance of the effect produced by Bilney may
be found in the remarkable recantation extorted from Anthony
Yaxley, Esq., of Rickenhall, Suffolk, before the bishop, at
Hoxne, on the 27th of January, 1525, which is printed in the
*' Eastern Counties Collectanea,** p. 42,
l6o NORWICH. [a.D. 141 5-
for a year, but was eventually released, and returned
to Cambridge. A deep anguish of remorse took
possession of him, and, after being haunted by pro-
found melancholy for a year and a half, he could bear
it no longer ; he turned his back upon Cambridge for
ever, and returned to the old life, though he knew
that he was a doomed man. On the 3rd March,
1 53 1, he was apprehended in London, and sent down
to Norwich, where, being cited before Dr. Pellys,
Bishop Nix's chancellor, he was degraded from his
orders, and condemned to death as a relapsed and
obstinate heretic. On the 19th August he was burned
at Norwich, more than atoning for his earlier weak-
ness by the grand courage with which he met his end.
Two years after this Bishop Nix himself got into
trouble. He was very old, and blind, but he had
amassed, it was said, enormous wealth, and on some
frivolous pretence he was pronounced to have in-
curred the penalties of a praemunire, and adjudged t(x
pay a fine of ;^i 0,000. It is impossible to discover
the ground of the charge, or indeed, in the conflict of
statements that have been made regarding it, to be
quite certain how the affair ended. He received a
pardon from the king, but it was a very costly pardon,
and evidently greatly crippled the old man's resources.
Shortly after this, Cranmer, who was now Primate,
instituted a visitation of the see of Norwich, by his
commissary, in spite of the bishop's protest, and a
fresh quarrel ensued; once more Bishop Nix was sub-
jected to humiliation. He survived this last vexation
just two years, long enough to hear, for he saw
it not with his eyes, that Coverdale's translation of
A.D. I4I5~'536-] THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. l6l
the Bible had been,published under royal patronage,
and this, though he himself had spent his life in sup-
pressing heretical books, had assisted Bishop Tunstal
in buying up the first issue of TyndaFs New Testa-
ment, hoping thereby to stop its dissemination, and
had been the most diligent worrier of the secret
hawkers of Protestant literature, which was, however,
greedily bought up in his diocese.
He died on the 14th January, 1536, and was-
buried in his own cathedral.
Three months before his death the first visitation
of the monasteries began ; three months after it the
Act for the dissolution of the smaller monasteries had
passed.
The diocese of Norwich was no longer in com-
munion with the see of Rome.
M
l62 NORWICH. [a.d. IS30-
CHAPTER X.
CHAOS COME AGAIN.
On the 15th of January, 1532, an Act was passed in
Parliament whereby the payment of annates, />., a
year's income exacted from every clerical person on
his preferment to a benefice, was forbidden to be
paid any longer to the Pope as heretofore.
This Act was the first serious threat on the part of
King Henry VIII. that the rupture with the see of
Rome was imminent. It was not ratified until the
following July ; but inasmuch as the king had no wish
to save the clergy from an impost from which an
important revenue might be derived, it was further
enacted on the 3rd November, 1534, that all those
payments should in future be paid to the king and
his heirs. Up to this time the clergy were rated
upon the basis of Pope Nicholas's taxation [see p.
91], but during the three centuries that had elapsed
since that document had been drawn up, fresh en-
dowments had been bestowed upon the religious
orders and secular canons, and many rich founda-
tions had sprung up exempt from those ecclesiastical
burdens which the older endowments were required
to bear. On the 30th January, 1535, a commission
was issued by the king for drawing up a complete
return of all the ecclesiastical, monastic, and colle-
A.D. 1635.] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 1 63
giate property in England and Wales. The return
was to give the gross and the net income of every
benefice, as well as of every abbey, priory, college, or
chantry, and the commissioners were ordered to have
their reports ready by the following June. These
returns constitute that remarkable work known as the
" Valor Ecclesiasticus," which gives, as far as it goes,
an exhaustive account of the revenues of the Church
of England and of the religious orders when the
papal supremacy came to an end. It seems that, as
a rule, the work of the commissioners was done
within the time appointed, but the returns for a por-
tion of the diocese of Norwich were not completed
till the 5th October. A month before this date the
fall of the monasteries had been determined on,
Cromwell, the king's vicar-general, had, towards the
end of September, sent forth a small army of common
informers, armed with letters under the king's hand
and signet, to report upon the condition of every
religious house in the country, and to make out as
bad a case as could be made ; the very names of
these creatures have passed away, only about a dozen
of them have been recovered ; history, as if in very
shame, has refused to make mention of the rest.
The reports sent in by these men have almost
all perished, but among the few that have survived
is one which professes to tell of the condition of the
Norfolk monasteries. It is a paper which bears upon
its every line the marks not only of falsehood, but
of revolting grossness, on the part of those who could
write it, and it is not conceivable that it could have
been accepted as anything but a hideous invention
M 2
164 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
by those to whom it was handed in. It deals with
twenty-one religious houses in the county, and is
valuable as showing the character of the wretches
whom Cromwell had in his pay, and whom he had
no scruple in employing to serve his own ends. This
report seems never to have been made any use of;
it was evidently considered unsafe to take the next
step on testimony so entirely worthless as that which
these first visitors offered.
Cromwell waited six months longer, and in April,
1536, the Act of Parliament was passed for suppress-
ing all those monasteries whose income did not
amount to ;^2oo ; another commission was issued
for carrying into effect the provisions of the Act and
to despoil the smaller houses of all their property,
whether lands, houses, or goods, handing it all
over to the king to be dealt with according to his
royal pleasure. The Commissioners appointed for the
county of Norfolk were gentlemen of position and
character, and here we are fortunate in possessing
their report in extenso. It gives us the details of
twenty-four religious houses, including five nunneries ;
it enters minutely into matters of finance, and in
all cases pronounces upon the character borne by the
members of the several houses.
The aggregate income of these smaller Norfolk
houses is set down at ;^i,238. 5s. 4jd. The number
of Religious of both sexes was seventy-five. The
value of the lead, bells, vestments, and stock was
^2,454. 9s. 2d. There can be no doubt that some
of the monasteries had taken the alarm before the
blow fell, and had made the most of their short time
A.D. 1635.] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 165
of respite. In five of these smaller houses, which in
1534 had contained forty inmates, there were only
sixteen when the Commissioners appeared ; and in
one house — the Trinitarian priory of Ingham — the
prior and six canons had sold their whole establish-
ment, — lead, goods, cattle, and furniture, — and had
dispersed none knew whither. The Commissioners
report favourably of the moral condition and cha-
racter of nineteen of these houses ; of four, and
these the smallest, they say that the monks were of
" slender " or of " slanderous name." All the nun-
neries except one are very highly spoken of; the
exception was the Cistercian nunnery at Marham,
where a vicious abbess had let everything go to ruin,
and had made her four sisters as bad as herself; the
house, we are told, was " in sore decay." Of one
house — that of the Augustinian canons of Pentney —
the Commissioners cannot speak too highly; they
were evidently the objects of love and reverence to
all their neighbours.
Before winter was over all these smaller houses had
been dismantled and their inhabitants sent adrift;
the first step in spoliation had been taken, but not
the last. In four years from the time that the first
commission was issued, in April, 1536, not a monas-
tery was left in England, great or small.^
On the 6th April, 1539, Bishop Herbert's great
monastery at Norwich was dissolved, just four hundred
and twenty years after the founder's death ; and, by
a sweep of the pen, the monks were changed into
' One of the last to fall was the Cluniac Priory of Thetford,
which was suppressed on the i6th of February, 1540.
l66 NORWICH. [a.D. T536-
prebendaries or secular canons, and the last prior,
William Castleton, became the first dean of the
cathedral church. Fifteen months after this, on the
28th July, 1540, Cromwell, whose work of destruction
was done and for whom his master had no further
need, suffered on the scaffold, almost with his dying
breath shrieking for mercy and finding just as much
and no more as he himself had ever shown.^ The
suppression of the monasteries was not carried out in
East Anglia without deep discontent and at least one
futile attempt at a rebellion. The inhabitants of
Walsingham, who lived on the pilgrims constantly
visiting the famous shrine, found themselves suddenly
reduced to beggary ; want made them mutinous, but
at the same time rendered them powerless : the riot
was soon put down. The story of all the misery,
the amazement, perplexity, and despair which the
suppression of the religious houses caused throughout
the diocese of Norwich during those terrible four
years has never been attempted and it may be doubted
whether it could be told.
I estimate the number of the "religious" of both,
sexes in the diocese of Norwich when the suppression
was first thought of at a little short of three hundred.
This does not include the friars nor those seculars
who were members of collegiate bodies, and whose
I By his attainder all the lands which he had held on the
last day of March, 1539, were forfeited to the Crown. The
manor, palace, park, rectory, and advowson of the vicarage of
North Elmham (part of the estate of the bishopric of Norwich),
was saved to his descendants by a fortunate deed of feoffment
executed in 1538.
A.D. l63S0 CHAOS COME AGAIN. 167
time had not yet come. For arriving at the numbers
of the friars we have no sufficient data, but taking
into account the number of their houses in the large
towns of East Anglia, we can hardly estimate them
at less than that of all the other orders.
When we try to calculate the value of the endow-
ments of our Eastern monasteries we are face to face
with a very difficult problem. The comparative value
of money at various periods of our history seems to
be indeterminable. At any rate, those who have
dogmatised most upon the question have confused it
most hopelessly. This, however, we do know, that
taking the twenty-five livings in the diocese, whose
gross income is now set down at upwards of ;^i,ooo
a year; we find that their aggregate income as
returned in the Valor Ecclesiasticus of 1534 makes
up a grand total of ^^289. 4s. yd., which was barely
nine-tenths of the annual income of the priory of
Castleacre, less than half that of the Abbey of
St. Benet's Hulm, less than a third of the income of
Bishop Losinga's foundation at Norwich, and only
a little more than a sixth of the revenue of the
mighty Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds. Without
entering into calculations which our space forbids us
from laying before the reader, it may safely be said
that at the time of the dissolution the value of the
real property held by the regulars in Norwich diocese
(exclusive of their houses and goods) cannot be
estimated at less than three times that of all the
beneficed clergy put together.
Bishop Nix, as has been said, died 14th January,
153.6. The king held his hand before appointing a
1 68 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
successor, nay ! he did more : on the 19th March two
suffragan bishops were consecrated at Canterbury,
Thomas Manning, prior of Butley, was nominated
bishop of Ipswich ; John Salisbury, prior of Horsham
St. Faiths, became titular bishop of Thetford. It looks
as if it had been determined to abolish the bishopric
of Norwich altogether. In effect, the see was
stripped absolutely bare before any fresh appointment
was made, and by an Act of Parliament which had
been passed in February the ancient revenues were
actually confiscated and the possessions of the priory
of Hickling and the barony and revenues of the
mitred abbey of St. Benet's Hulm were bestowed as
a new endowment upon the plundered see. The
Abbey of Hulm is the single religious house in the
kingdom which has to this day never been dissolved.
Its abbot at this time was one William Rugo, a
base and truculent time-server, prepared to lend
himself to any measure, however infamous, which the
king and his cteatures might order to be carried out.
He was consecrated bishop of the see on the 28th
June, and from the day of his appointment he set
himself to make all he could of whatever was saleable,
even to the extent of trying to alienate the very palace
at Norwich. Men murmured and blushed, but it was
all in vain, — the frown of the king meant death, and
none dared raise his voice.
King Henry died at last on the 28th of January,
1547. Two years afterwards Bishop Rugg was
induced to resign, he could be borne with no longer.
During the remaining years of the reign of Edward
VI. Thomas Thirlby, the first and last bishop of
A.D. l63S0 CHAOS COME AGAIN. 169
Westminster, to which he was consecrated in 1540,
presided over the see of Norwich : a graceful, courtly
prelate, who like many another had given up all for
lost, and in view of the Gordian knots which earnest
men were trying desperately to unravel he showed
himself
Unskill'd to sunder and too weak to cleave.
The terrible oligarchy under Edward VI. followed
closely on the lines laid down by Henry VIII.
There still remained twenty-two colleges of secular
canons in the diocese and seventy-four hospitals and
lazar houses with no inconsiderable endowments,
and there were 138 chantries or what may be called
chapels of ease, which remained to pillage. Pillaged
they were ruthlessly. ^
There were nine hundred guilds, one or more in
every parish, with funds that really belonged to the
poorest people, and which were kept up, in great
measure, by the constant stream of small benefactions
contributed by the prosperous and wealthy. They
were all dissolved, the frightened artisans and labourers
being compelled not only to surrender their money,
but even the very drinking-bowls and the trumpery
furniture which were the pride of these benefit clubs
and which their humble forefathers had left for the
use of those who should come after. At last the
churches in towns and villages were plundered of
everything they contained to the bare walls, and when
' Among the richest of all the colleges in England was the
college of Stoke, in Suffolk, whose last dean was Matthew
Parker, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury.
170 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
it had come to this the boy king died, and his sister
succeeded to the throne on the 6th July, 1553.
For six years a wild scramble had been going on, .
and in the East Anglian diocese there had been
almost complete anarchy. The diocesan registers
are full of such entries as had never been made before,
and which record how one advowson after another
was bought and sold. Well might the clergy in con-
vocation lift up their voices, though in vain, against
the Simoniacs.^
Events had followed one another so rapidly, the
changes — ordained by law, or proclamation — in doc-
trine and ritual, had been so violent, that no one knew
what he might not be called upon to believe or
subscribe to from day to day, and side by side with
the fiercest intolerance the utmost licence of opinion
prevailed.
The first sign of a clergyman joining the reforming
party was that he took to himself a wife. Bishop
RuGG tried vainly to hunt down the married priests ;
Bishop Thirlby let them alone. But no sooner was
Queen Mary firmly seated on the throne than the
bishop of Norwich was compelled to bestir himself.
It was Wyatt's rebellion that first aroused in Queen
Mary the ferocity she had inherited from her father.
At the beginning of March, 1554, — while London
was reeking like the shambles with the dangling
corpses of the victims of that mad outbreak, and
the queen was watching in a fever of excitement for
her Spanish bridegroom, — articles were sent down to
* Wilkins, vol. iii., p. 860.
A.D. l63S-] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 171
the bishop of Norwich to look to the state of his
diocese and to tighten the reins of discipline. It
was known that East Anglia swarmed with married
clergy ; the time had come when they must be dis-
possessed of their cures, and dispossessed they were.
Bishop Thirlby was translated to the see of Ely
in September, 1554, and his successor was John
HoPTON, Queen Mary's Confessor, who in old days
had been prior of the Dominican Friars at Oxford.
In the year ending ist April, 1555, no fewer than
371 institutions are registered, of which only 43
were occasioned by the death of the previous incum-
bents; 168 are expressly said to have been caused
by deprivation; 28 incumbents resigned; in 130
instances the cause of the vacancy is not stated ; in
upwards of 200 cases a pension is assigned to the
ejected parson, though the amount is in no case
specified. So complete a transformation of the diocese
had been known only once before, when the Black
Death swept over the land.
The deplorable confusion of the last fifteen years
had made the people sick of all the changes, and
when the Mass was restored in the churches it
was welcomed by the multitude with enthusiasm.
Speedily, however, the tide of opinion turned again ;
the ejected married priests were to a man, pledged to
do battle for the new learning. Driven out of house
and home, they were not likely to love the doctrines
of those who supplanted them, and when the new
bishop and his far more savage and merciless chan-
* The articles may be seen in extenso in Heylin's **Hist.
Reform,,'' p. 105.
■^
172 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
cellor proceeded to burn poor men and women at
the stake for heresy, and up and down the diocese
persecution raged horribly, the Gospellers increased
in number and earnestness, as a matter of course,
till when Queen Mary and Cardinal Pole died on
the same day (17th November, 1558) it was time for
her former confessor to turn his face to the wall.^
Bishop HoPTON survived his royal mistress scarcely ^
six months. For four miserable years he was bishop
of Norwich : to him as to others they were years
of bitterness and disappointment, years spent in
the vain endeavour to turn back the great current of
progress.
On the 29th June, 1559, the dean and chapter
of Norwich elected Richard Cox to the vacant
bishopric ; he was, however, sent to Ely, and John
Parkhurst was appointed to Norwich, and was
consecrated by Archbishop Parker, ist September,
1560.
Bishop Parkhurst was one of those characters
in whom the good and the bad lie very close side by
side. A Fellow of Merton College, Oxford, he had
been a popular and amusing person, very much given
to writing epigrams not always characterised by strict
regard to propriety of expression, insomuch that in
his later life he was not spared by the critics, who
censured him for republishing his " Juvenilia." While
at Oxford he had Jewel as his pupil, and the loyal
affection of the younger man to his tutor continued
* Twenty bishops were consecrated during Mary's short reign.
Eight of them died before its close ; seven of the eight within
six months of the queen.
A.D. l63S-] CHAOS COME AGAIN. I73
through life. Ordained in 1532, he was presented
to the living of Bishop Cleeve, in Gloucestershire,
and very soon after coming into residence he married
Margaret, daughter of Thomas Garnish, of Kenton,
Suffolk, and so became allied to one of the leading
families in that county. He seems to have had no
children. On the accession of Queen Mary, he fled
to Switzerland, whither his wife followed him, and I
am inclined to think she must have died before the
turn of his fortunes came, for we hear of her no
more.
The condition of his diocese when he came to
it was deplorable beyond description. The bishop
was clearly a man of expensive habits, and not too
high-minded. Money he must have, and while the
hideous venality of the times needed to be resisted
and rebuked by a prelate at once frugal and austere,
Bishop Parkhurst showed a bad example in making
merchandise of the Church of God. A vile system
had grown up whereby lay patrons not only sold their
patronage openly, but as openly exacted from the
incumbents an annual pension from the benefice,
which was a first charge upon the income, and in
many instances the bargain was a ruinous one to the
wretched parson. The result was, that in 1562 more
than half the parish churches in the diocese were
found to be vacant, and everywhere a serious decline
in the number of candidates for holy orders was
observable. Then came the large immigration of
foreigners into Norwich, driven out by Alva's perse-
cution in the Low Countries, and all those disorders
and irregularities which ensued as at once the cause
174 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
and the consequence of the decay of all sound disci-
pline. The sectaries were loud and aggressive, the
bishop never interfering with them unless when com-
pelled. Archbishop Parker tried hard to bring things
to a better state, but found himself thwarted and all
but powerless.
It was in Bishop Parkhurst's time that those pro-
phesyings began in the diocese of Norwich which
were the occasion of much unseemly altercation
among the clergy, who were hardly yet ready for open
discussion upon the interpretation of Holy Scripture
and for the exercise of their gifts of extempore prayer.
The disorders got to such a height that the prophe-
syings were put down ; repression being the order
of the day. Yet pent-up passion broke forth in one
direction when it was restrained in another, and the
canons of the cathedral showed an evil example ; —
now by their negligence and non-residence; now by
their outrageous riot in 1570, when, with the exception
of the dean, who was absent, and Dr. Gardiner, who
prudently kept out of the way, the whole chapter,
down to the lay clerks, behaved like an infuriated
mob.
It was a dark age for the diocese, though worse
days were coming. Bishop Parkhurst died on the
2nd February, 1575, in the fourteenth year of his
episcopate, — an episcopate during which clergy and
laity were left to do almost as they pleased, while the
bishop kept open house in a lavish way sometimes at
the palace of Norwich, and, latterly, at his house at
Ludham, ^-a genial, scholarly, pliant, hospitable
gentleman, but little more.
A.D. l63S»] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 175
Edmund Freake who succeeded Bishop Park-
hurst had been an Augustinian canon in the abbey
of Waltham in King Henr/s days, and was pensioned
off when that monastery was dissolved. After
receiving many lesser preferments, he was consecrated
to the see of Rochester in 1572, and thence was
translated to Norwich in November, 1575. When
in 1579 the queen, Elizabeth, and her ministers had
formed a design for plundering the see of Ely, over-
tures were made to Bishop Freake to assist in the
iniquitous attempt. He firmly refused, and continued
for five years longer where he was; but in 1584 he
was transferred to Worcester, and Edmund Scambler
was removed from the see of Peterborough to
Norwich. Notorious as a shameless spoiler in a
generation of shameless spoilers, his name is chiefly
remembered for his outrageous pillage of the bishopric
of Peterborough and for his impudent complaint of
the wrongs done to himself through the greed of his
predecessor. Bishop Freake. He was bishop ten
years, and was followed by William Redman, arch-
deacon of Canterbury, whose episcopate lasted till
September, 1602, when he was succeeded by John
Jegon, who had been promoted to the deanery the
year before : he was consecrated on the 20th February,
1603, — the last of those Elizabethan prelates whom
it is impossible to think of with veneration. The
truth is, no one of them was strong enough to rise
superior to the spirit of his time. The mastery of
the queen over church and state, and the energy
of her ministers, on whose extraordinary ability and
unscrupulous loyalty she could rely, made her
176 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
supremacy in ecclesiastical matters hardly less real or
less galling than that of her father. The ecclesiastics
of her time, and especially during the latter half of
her reign, truckled and obeyed.
It was scarcely to be wondered at. The see of
Durham was kept vacant for two years ; Salisbury for
three ; Chichester for four ; Bath and Wells for five ;
Bristol and Gloucester each for six; Ely for eighteen;
and, worst of all, Oxford for three periods of nine,
twenty-one, and eleven years. The prelates felt that
they were bishops during the Queen's pleasure, and
that their strength was to sit still. Bishop Freake
drew up a scheme which, if it had ever taken effect,
would have divided up the diocese of Norwich into
a number of districts wherein the rural deans would
have been able to exercise great moral influence,
and, by co-operation and communication with the
bishop, great power for good also ; but the scheme
remained a dead letter. Independent action on the
part of the prelacy, indeed all such action as might
tend to strengthen their hands, was paralysed. Mean-
while, the insolence and furious language of the
sectaries knew no bounds. When the persecution
of Alva had driven thousands of the weavers from
the Low Countries to take refuge in Norwich, where
they were most generously received and harboured,
and places of worship were assigned them where they
might use their own ritual, disorder increased still
more. If foreigners might do as they pleased, why
not Englishmen? Soon, too, the Brownists spread,
their eccentric leader settling in Norfolk for a while
and finding favour. Moreover, East Anglia was the
i
A.D. l635-] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 1 77
Stronghold of the Family of Love, and David George's
mystic writings were handed about and translated
from their native Dutch into the vernacular, their
unintelligible jargon constituting their charm.
When, in 1570, the queen was formally excom-
municated by the Pope, new troubles began. Up to
that time it can hardly be said that there was any
organised Romish party in East Anglia : the excom-
munication created it. The penal laws that were
passed against the Recusants^ /.<f., those who refused
to attend the parish churches, forced the conscientious
Romanists to declare themselves, and from this time
till the close of the century there was neither peace
nor security fof life or substance to those who showed
any reluctance to conform.
How the gentry suffered and were persecuted I
have told elsewhere. Whether or not it could have
been avoided, taking into account all the circum-
stances of the time, this is not the place to decide.
This only is certain, that during those forty-five
years of Queen Elizabeth's reign. East Anglia passed
through such a period oT turbulence, bitterness of
feeling, and decay of Christian charity, — such a period
of neglect of the decencies of religion and of the
houses of God in the land, as the diocese had never
known since the days when private warfare was the
rule and there was no king in Israel, — a period such
as we may well pray the Church's divine Head to
avert from us for the time to come, even though the
promise stand, " I am with you always, even to the
end of the world."
And yet one reflection is forced upon the thoughtful
N
178 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
student more and more as his knowledge of the
Elizabethan age in the diocese of Norwich grows
deeper and wider, and it is this : —
The Master's promise has been found true in the
darkest hour. Nay, it is in the darkest hour that its
truth has been most surely manifest. We have lived
through pillage and persecution, indifference and
neglect; we have lived through days when all seemed
going, and well nigh gone : yet, from the desolation
and the ruin, the Church has risen again and again
to new life and activity. Shall we tremble for the
future when we can point to the history of the
past ?
* ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ .
John Jegon was consecrated at Lambeth on the
20th February, 1603. A month after his consecra-
tion Queen Elizabeth died and James VI., king of
Scotland, became James I., king of England. Under
the able administration of Archbishop Whitgift, to
whom the Church of England owes a far greater debt
than has generally been acknowledged, much had
been done to reform abuses and to restore discipline ;
to the end he was labouring cautiously and wisely^
but he had a very hard game to play, and during the
last year of his primacy, which was the first year of
King James, he needed all his prudence and sagacity
in face of the new difficulties that the accession of
the king of Scotland had introduced.
Our space forbids us from dwelling upon these,
but the diocese of Norwich affords some valuable
illustrations of the condition of ecclesiastical affairs
durinjg the first quarter of the seventeenth century,
J
A.D. l635-] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 1 79
which may be accepted as fairly typical of what was
going on generally in the country.
At the time of Bishop Jegon's receiving the appoint-
ment to the bishopric he was dean of Norwich. One
of the first appointments which the king made was
that of George Montgomery to the vacant deanery.
Dr. Montgomery was a Scotchman and brother of
Viscount Montgomery, in the peerage of Scotland.
Dr. Montgomery was duly installed 7th June, 1603 ;
but as it was shrewdly suspected that his preferment
would not end at this point, Dr. Edmund Suckling,
one of the prebends of the cathedral, obtained for
himself, on the 27 th April, 1604, a grant of the
reversion of the deanery at the next avoidance.
Next year Dean Montgomery was promoted to three
bishoprics in Ireland,^ and forthwith took up his
residence in that country — though still retaining his
deanery, — and rarely, if ever, showed himself in
Norwich, except upon audit days to receive • his
dividends. This went on for ten years, until at last
he,— having in the meantime resigned Derry and
Raphoe, and taken to himself the bishopric of
Meath in their stead, — was induced to resign his
deanery of Norwich on being indemnified for his loss
of income. Meanwhile Bishop Jegon had made his
brother Thomas, who was master of Corpus Christi
College, Cambridge, archdeacon of Norwich in
September, 1604, and six months afterwards had
managed to get for him the second stall in the
cathedral, having induced its previous occupant to
* Derry, Raphoe, and Clogher.
N 2
l8o NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
resign. The first stall was held by Dr. Lawrence
Staunton, who had been made dean of* Lincoln in
.1601, and held his Norwich canonry in commendam
till his death in 16 13. Dr. Suckling seems actually
to have been the only member of the chapter who
even pretended to reside, and the cathedral close was
a vast heap of ruins. As early as 1535 Bishop Nix
had granted to the Corporation a lease for eighty-nine
years of the great hall, buttery, pantry, and kitchen
belonging to the palace at Norwich. The Lady Chapel
" with the walls and all other appurtenances," had been
demised for a period of sixty-three years at a rent of 2 s.
to Dean Salisbury and his wife in 1569. In 1570,
the Chapter House had already become " a parcel of
void ground late builded on." The old library of
the monastery had been taken down in 1574. In
1 6 14, there were alehouses, which were felt to be
not only a scandal but a nuisance, almost abutting on
the cathedral walls. At the archdeacon's visitation
in 1609, it appeared that six churches in Norwich
were not even furnished with a surplice, two had no
<:up for the communion, one had no linen cloth for
the table ; and yet side by side with this sloven-
liness, the churches of St. Peters Mancroft and St.
Giles were admirably provided with ornaments^ and
the former church seems to have been decorated at
certain seasons at the expense of the parishioners.
In the country parishes, on the other hand, where
the gentry were recusants, deeply disaffected to the
established order of things, and sufficiently powerful,
church after church was actually dismantled and, as
the term was, ruinated; while everywhere the buildings j
A.D. 1635.] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 181
were falling into decay, and the windows were left
unglazed when, from mischief or accident, they
had been broken. Meanwhile, though Archbishop
Whitgift had tried hard to reform the vexations and
annoyances which resulted from the odious revival
of the petty courts of archdeacons and commissaries,^
the abuse still went on, and in the archdeaconry of
Norwich, certainly as late as 1620, the frequency with
which churchwardens and others were cited and
worried must have had no small share in aggravating
the feeling of soreness against ecclesiastical dignitaries
which at last broke out into open rebellion. Yet,
strange to say, the status of the clergy in the Norwich
diocese during the seventeenth century was very
much higher than some writers have asserted it to be,
and there was among them not only a large proportion
of university men and sons of the gentry with
private means, but many men of real learning, whose
printed works prove them to have been diligent
students.
Bishop Jegon passed the greater portion of his
time at the episcopal residence at Ludham, till a fire
in 161 1 burned the house down and with it some
of the muniments of the diocese. After this he re-
tired to Aylsham, in the neighbourhood of which
place he had made extensive purchases of land, and
here he died, 13th March, 16 17. At the palace of
Norwich he very rarely, if ever, resided.
' It is impossible to dwell upon this subject here, but an
instructive monograph might be drawn up upon the vexations
of these courts, for which there is abundant evidence in the
records of the diocese.
1 82 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
In the twenty-four years that elapsed from the death
of Bishop Jegon to the general break up in 1642,
no fewer than seven bishops were appointed to the
see of Norwich, every one of whom was translated
from some other bishopric. That these prelates
should have been able to leave any impression upon
the diocese during their brief episcopate is not con-
ceivable; only two of them were in any way connected
with East Anglia ; their average tenure of office was
scarcely more than three years, nevertheless they were
all men of mark in their generation.
John Overall, who was born at Hadleigh in
Suffolk, became early a Fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge, and Professor of Divinity in that Univer-
sity in 1596. In 1 60 1, he succeeded Nowell as dean
of St. Paul's, and in March, 16 14, was promoted to
the see of Coventry and Lichfield. He was translated
to Norwich in May, 16 18, and he died a few days
less than a year after his election — on the 1 2th May,
1 619. He was a man of profound learning, earnest-
ness, and piety. At Norwich he can have been but
little known.
His successor was Samuel Harsnet, a man of
mean extraction but of great ability. He obtained
a fellowship at Pembroke College, Cambridge, in
1583, and succeeded Bishop Andrews as master of
the college in 1605. He became bishop of Chiches-
ter in 1609, and was translated to Norwich in June,
1619. During his episcopate he seems to have shown
himself a devout and painstaking prelate, practising
moderation and preaching it. Alas! the time for
moderate men and their counsels had gone by. The
A.D. 1635.] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 183
zealots denounced him as a Papist ; the others hinted
that he was at heart a Puritan, or something worse :
he answered with some indignation to both charges.
In March, 1628, he was entrusted with the drawing
up of a petition to Charles I. from both Houses of
Parliament, to put the laws against Papists in execu-
tion : the petition, though accepted, was disregarded.
In the following November he was again translated,
this time to the see of York.
Dr. Francis White succeeded ; he was a Cam-
bridge man and of Caius College. He had, in 1617,
earned for himself a good reputation as a controver-
sialist by a learned defence of a book which his
brother. Dr. John White, had published, entitled,
"The Orthodox Faith and Way to the Church."
This brought him into notice, and in 1622 he was
made dean of Carlisle. Next year he distinguished
himself greatly in a controversy with "Fisher the
Jesuit," 1 in the presence of James I., and when the
see of Carlisle fell vacant, in 1626, he was appointed
to the bishopric. He was translated to Norwich in
February, 1629, and again removed to Ely in 1631.
He was in money difficulties when he received the
bishopric of Carlisle, and was compelled to sell his
books. It is hardly probable that he had recovered
himself before his last preferment came to him. As
bishop of Norwich, he appears to have been a cipher.
His successor was Richard Corbet, an Oxford
man, celebrated for his exuberant wit, and, like all
wits, slandered by the dull for his buffoonery. He
* His real name was John Percy.
184 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
became dean of Christ Church in 1620, and bishop
of Oxford in 1629. He was translated to Norwich
in 1632, and there he died in 1635 : three years !
but three momentous years.
Archbishop Abbot died in 1633, and Laud, then
bishop of London, succeeded. He had been virtually
primate since the murder of Buckingham in 1628,
and, from the time that he began to exercise in-
fluence upon Charles I., he never swerved for a single
moment from the policy which he believed to be
needful for the restoration of discipline in the Church of
England, and for the revival of what he believed to be
her ancient and Catholic ritual. Inflexible, uncom-
promising, perfectly regardless of consequences to him-
self or others when he had persuaded himself that the
cause he had espoused was the cause of God, he
set himself to bear down all opposition by sheer
force of will and the employment of all the instru-
ments of repression and coercion which could by
any means be utilised to silence, to frighten, or to
punish. The immense stubbornness, the intense
sincerity of the primate, made him see in his own
purpose a divine mission which it was given to him
to discharge : for that mission he lived and died.
Looking back upon his career, through all that this
Church of England has suffered and achieved during
the two centuries and a half since he fell a victim to
the passions he had done so much to rouse, it is a
question whether that career was a failure after all.
Into that question, however, it is impossible to enter
here. We have not space for more than a bare
enumeration of facts.
A.D. 1635.] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 1 85
The first Parliament of Charles I. assembled on
1 8th June, 1625, and was dissolved on 12th August,
The second met on 26th February, 1626, and was
dissolved on 15th June. The third met on 13th
March, 1628, was prorogued on the 26th June, re-
assembled on 20th January, 1629, and dissolved on
19th March. It is no over-statement to say that the
proximate cause of the dissolution of these three
Parliaments of Charles I. was the subordination of
all legislative business to the demands for the redress
of religious grievances. A tempest of religious frenzy
was raging. The great mass of the people were not
to be calmed by words of menace or by acts of
severity; but their leaders and teachers might be
silenced, the clergy at least might be forced to con-
form, and the experiment was made. Hence the
futile attempt to force the Liturgy upon Scotland
and to settle the Sabbatarian controversy^ by the
issue of the " Book of Sports " ; hence, too, the re-
moval of the communion-table to the east end of
the chancel, which, though it had been a subject
of dispute at Grantham and at Abingdon in 1627,
was not authoritatively enjoined till now: and all
this in the single year 1633, the first year of Laud's
tenure of the archiepiscopal see. Next year the tole-
ration which had been granted for fifty years to the
French and Belgiaa Protestants in London and Nor-
wich was withdrawn, and an exodus from Norfolk to
Holland began, hardly less important than that from
Belgium to Norfolk in the days of Alva.
* First stirred up by a Suffolk clergyman, Theophilus Bra-
burne, in 1628.
l86 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
Under all this pressure, the clergy, as a rule,
submitted and conformed. Some sought refuge in
flight across the Atlantic, and carried with them
to New England and Massachusetts the fierce
intolerance and terrible rigour from which they had
suffered and learned so well in their old homes.^
Some sought an asylum in Holland, as Yates and
Samuel Ward, who were the popular preachers at
Ipswich when Bishop Corbet resided there, and
whose congregations were left to make the best of it
in the absence of their venerated ministers. But
though the clergy might be cowed, the laity were not,
and among the mercantile and trading classes who
were amassing wealth with unexampled rapidity at the
same time that the gentry were spending with un-
exampled extravagance, there was deep discontent
and passionate outcry against the tyranny of the
bishops, and especially of the primate. ** Men's
minds, distempered in this age with .... a mutinous
tendency, were exasperated with such small occasions
' The following is a specimen of the laws drawn up for the
colony of Massachusetts : — ** Whosoever shall profane the Lord's
day by doing unnecessary work, by unnecessary travelling, or
by sports and recreations, he or they who so transgress shall
forfeit forty shillings or be publicly whipped; but if it shall
appear to have been done presumptuously, such person or
persons shall be put to deathy or otherwise severely punished, at
the discretion of the Court. No one shall run on the Sabbath-
day, or walk in his garden, or elsewhere, except reverently to
and from meeting. No one shall travel, cook victuals, make
beds, sweep house, cut hair or shave, on the Sabbath-day." —
Dr. Hessey's ** Bampton Lectures," p. 285 ; quoted in Perry's
** Church of England," vol. i., p. 437, n.
A.D. 1635.] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 1 87
as Otherwise might have been passed over and no
notice taken thereof." ^
In no part of England was there more bitterness
of feeling or more fierce antipathy to ecclesiastical
order and authority than in East Anglia, and wealthy
merchants and others who hated the new rkgime
showed much ingenuity in "skulking behind the
laws." A practice had become very common, for
such as were possessed of sufficient means, to
maintain a private chaplain in their families, and in
effect to harbour and maintain the non-conforming
preachers. The bishops had shown some laxity in
ordaining these irregular clergy, with no title but their
chaplaincies, and as they were dependent upon their
employer for their subsistence, they were practically
under no episcopal jurisdiction. Such men were sure
to be utilised as itinerants and propagators of their
own favourite tenets, and in the flourishing towns of
East Anglia we find that their numbers were not
inconsiderable.
One of Laud's earliest injunctions was directed
against these "vagrant ministers," but, from the nature
of the case, it was difficult to bring them under
episcopal control. Bishop Corbet, among other
grounds for congratulation, in his answers to Laud's
inquiries, boasts that he had made "two wandering
preachers run out of his diocese " ; nevertheless, he
adds, " For lectures they abound in Suffolk, and many
set up by private gentlemen even without so much as
the knowledge of the ordinary." At Bury St. Edmunds
» Fuller.
1 88 NORWICH. [a.D. 1536-
and at Ipswich, lecturers had been silenced. At
Yarmouth there was great division heretofore for many
years : " their lecturer, being censured in the High
Commission Court, about two years since went into
New England, since which time there hath been no
lecture, and very much peace in the town
One in Norwich, one Mr. Bridge, rather than he
would conform, hath left his lecture and two cures,
and is gone into Holland. "^
It would, however, be unfair to assume that the
efforts of Laud to bring about a stricter uniformity in
ritual were anything more than means to a higher
end. In his view such uniformity was a sine ^ud non
to the general raising of religious sentiment and re-
ligious life. Laxity of all kinds in the clergy was to
be sternly reproved, and, if need were, punished. For
a generation or more the beneficed clergy had been
allowed to reside in their cures or not, as they pleased :
they had, in fact, been suffered to go on in their own
ways. Living as they had been doing under a strict and
jealous espionage^ there is no reason to believe that
their private lives were blameworthy ; on the contrary,
rumours to their discredit were very rare : their pri-
^ The suspended lecturer at Yarmouth was Mr. George
Burdett, about whom see Blomefield, xi., 370-372. Mr. William
Bridge was a much more celebrated person. He was of
Emmanuel College, and at this time rector of St. Peter
Hungate, and St. George's Tombland, in Norwich. At the
latter church he held a Friday lecture. He escaped to Rotter-
dam for a time, but returned in 1642, and was a very popular
preacher at Yarmouth. At the Restoration, he was ejected once
more. His works were published in five vols., 8vo., in 1S45,
with a brief memoir.
A.D. l635-] CHAOS COME AGAIN. 189
vate virtues had, in fact, given them, as a class, extra-
ordinary influence and power. But it was clearly for
the advantage of the country parishes that non-resi-
dence should be discouraged ; and Bishop Corbet
was quite right when he said, " I think it very fit the
beneficed men were presently commanded to reside
upon their cures." It was not that there had not
been disorder, and great laxity, and great negligence,
nor that a reform of church discipline was not
grievously needed, but rather because it was so much
needed that the crisis called for a ruler of consum-
mate discretion with the tact and suavity, the gentle-
ness and s)rmpathy which were never more con-
spicuously absent than in the character of Archbishop
Laud.
190 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
CHAPTER XL
FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE.
Bishop Corbet died on the 28th July; his suc-
cessor was elected on loth November, 1635. This
was Dr. Matthew Wren. The new bishop was
a very different man from his predecessor. His
career at Cambridge was distinguished, and it was
while he was Fellow of Pembroke Hall that James I.,
in 16 1 5, paid his famous visit to Cambridge.
Mr. Wren attracted the king's attention by the
brilliant way in which he acquitted himself in the
"Philosophy Act"; and, after receiving various minor
preferments, he was consecrated Bishop of Hereford,
on the 8th March, 1635. He can scarcely have
received from his first bishopric sufficient to pay the
fees of his promotion when he was translated to
Norwich.
Two years before the death of Bishop Corbet,
Archbishop Laud sent down his vicar-general to hold
a visitation of the East Anglian diocese. The report
is not a pleasing one ; and it appears by it that the
cathedral was in a condition of great dilapidation,
and "the spire of the steeple quite down/' Next
year we find it was re-edified, at whose expense is
not certainly known.
Bishop Wren's primary visitation was a very
memorable one. There is among the Tanner MSS.
A.D. 169I.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 191
at Oxford a considerable body of evidence still
existing regarding it, which never has been, but well
deserves to be, published. Only the " Particulars,
orders, directions, and remembrances," which were
issued by the bishop on the occasion, have been
printed by Mr. Perry in extensor These orders are
constructed exactly on the lines laid down by the
primate, and were enforced with inflexible rigour by
his faithful suffragan. Irritation and bitterness went
on increasing, and the exodus to New England this
year is said by the historian of America to have
exceeded two thousand. But Bishop Wren never
relaxed in his efforts — as if his only notion of pre-
venting a catastrophe, when the explosive force was
generating with alarming rapidity, was firmly to press
down the safety-valve. For three years he adhered
to this policy with disastrous results, and, when he
was translated to the see of Ely, in 1638, he left
a dismal legacy to his successor, which he in his
turn passed on. Dr. Richard Montague had been
ten years bishop of Chichester when he was trans-
lated to the see of Norwich. On his earlier career,
on his literary ability, on his famous book, "Apello
Caesarem," on the furious attack upon him by the
House of Commons in the first Parliament of Charles I.,
and again in the second, and on the shower of
treatises that rained upon him in answer to his
Appeal^ this is not the place to dwell. When he
came to Norwich he was inclined to moderation, but
the time for compromise had gone.
* ** History of the Church of England," vol. ii., Appendix B.
192 • NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
It seems that Bishop Montague was in failing
health when he came to Norwich, and little able to
take any active part in the administration of his
diocese. Indeed, what would anything have availed
then ? For more than eleven years there had been
no meeting of Parliament. Once more it was called
together, assembled on 13th April, and was dissolved
on 5th May, 1640. But the convocation of clergy
still continued its sittings, and proceeded, under a
royal commission, to make new canons. Among
them the famous sixth canon, for enforcing the
" Et Csetera " oath. Four days after the dissolution
of the Parliament, Lambeth Palace was besieged by
a furious mob ; the nation was in a frenzy, every-
thing was going wrong. At last came the Long
Parliament, on 3rd November, 1640. That day week
began the attack upon Archbishop Laud. Next
month, Pennington, at the head of a vast mob,
presented the London petition; a week after, the
primate was taken into custody; and these events
followed with such rapidity, that in the general .con-
fusion it is not easy to mark their sequence. On
1 2th May, 1641, Lord Strafford was beheaded. On
15th November, Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter,
was elected to the bishopric of Norwich. " On
January 30th, 1642, in all the extremity of frost, at
eight o'clock in the dark evening," writes the bishop
for himself and his episcopal brethren, who had been
severally charged with high treason, " are we voted
to the Tower, and the news of our imprisonment
was entertained with ringing of bells, and bonfires,
and men gave us up for lost, railing on our per-
A.D. 1 69 1.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 1 93
fidiousness, and adjudging us to what foul death they
pleased."
In the general confusion and tumult of the next
few months it is difficult to trace the fortunes of the
now persecuted side, or to discover what actually
happened to even the more prominent personages.
We only know, that some months after his first
imprisonment the bishop was ordered to go down to
his diocese. It may safely be said that at this time
no divine in England was so universally respected
and admired as Bishop Hall ; no books were more
widely read than his ; no preacher was more eagerly
listened to or more sought after by all classes. As a
disputant he was by far the most formidable contro-
versialist of his time. He was no mean poet, and
among the first writers of satirical poetry in the
language. He was master of a pure style, at once
simple, lucid, and vigorous. He had travelled much
upon the Continent, where he was highly esteemed
as a polemic of the very first order. In private life
he was an example of uprightness, suavity, and
open-handed munificence, even when he had been
despoiled of all his episcopal income, and a great
part of his private fortune besides. If it had not
been for a small income which his wife possessed,
and the profits of his books, which went on selling
during the Interregnum, he would have been in want
of bread. When he presented himself at Norwich
in the spring of 1642, he was received with much
greater cordiality than he had expected ; and the day
after his arrival in the city he preached to a numerous
and attentive congregation. He took up his resi-
o
194 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
dence at the episcopal palace, and set himself, not
without success, to win the confidence of all classes.
It was all in vain ; next year, 1643, Parliament,
whose affairs of late had not prospered, growing
desperate, and determined to crush the spirit of their
opponents and especially of the clergy, passed the
terrible ordinance of sequestration, and Bishop Hall
has told us what followed. An extract from his own
account of his troubles at Norwich, will give the
reader the best possible picture of the hard measure
which he had to suffer, and the scenes of violence
that he went through : —
" The first noise that I heard of my trouble was,
that one morning, before my servants were up, there
came to my gates one night a London trooper,
attended with others requiring entrance, threatening,
if they were not admitted, to break open the gates ;
whom I found at my first sight struggling with one of
my servants for a pistol which he had in his hand.
I demanded his business at that unreasonable time ;
he told me he came to search for arms and ammuni-
tion, of which I must be disarmed. I told him I
had only two muskets in the house, and no other
military provision. He not resting upon my word
searched round about the house, looked into the
chests and trunks, examined the vessels in the cellar \
finding no other warlike furniture, he asked me what
horses I had, for his commission was to take them
also. I told him how poorly I was stored, and that
my age would not allow me to travel on foot. In
conclusion, he took one horse for the present, and such
account of another that he did highly expostulate
A.D. 1691.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 195
with me afterwards, that I had otherwise disposed of
him.
" Now not only my rents present, but the arrearages
of the former years, which I had in favour forborne
to some tenants, being treacherously confessed to the
sequestrators, were by them called for and taken
from me ; neither was there any course at all taken
for my maintenance. I therefore addressed myself
to the committee sitting here at Norwich, and desired
them to give order for some means out of that large
patrimony of the church to be allowed me.
"They all thought it very just, and there being
present Sir Thomas Woodhouse and Sir John Potts,
Parliament men, it was moved and held fit by them
and the rest, that the proportion which the votes of
the Parliament had pitched upon, viz., ;^4oo per
annum, should be allowed to me. My lord of
Manchester, who was then conceived to have great
power in matter of these sequestrations, was moved
herewith. He apprehended it very just and reason-
able, and wrote to the committee here to let out so
many of the manors belonging to this bishopric as
should amount to the said sum of ;^4oo annually ;
which was answerably done under the hands of the
whole table. And now I well hoped, I should yet
have a good competency of maintenance out of that
plentiful estate which I might have had; but those
hopes were no sooner conceived than dashed, for,
before I could gather up one quarter's rent, there
comes down an order from the committee for seques-
trations above, under the hand of Sergeant Wild, the
chairman, procured by Mr. Miles Corbet, to inhibit
o 2
196 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
any such allowance ; and telling our committee here,
that neither they nor any other had power to allow
me anything at all : but if my wife found herself to
need a maintenance, upon her suit to the committee
of lords and commons, it might be granted that she
should have a fifth part according to the ordinance,
allowed for the sustentation of herself and her family.
Hereupon she sends a petition up to that committee,
which after a long delay was admitted to be read and
an order granted for the fifth part. But still the
rents and revenues both of my spiritual and temporal
lands were taken up by the sequestrators both in
Norfolk, and Suffolk, and Essex, and we kept off from
either allowance or account. At last upon much
pressing Beadle the solicitor, and Rust the collector,
brought in an account to the committee, such as it
was ; but so confused and perplexed and so utterly
imperfect, that we could never come to know what a
fifth part meant : but they were content that I should
eat my books by setting off the sum engaged for
them out of the fifth part. Meantime the synodals
both in Norfolk and Suffolk, and all the spiritual
profits of the diocese, were also kept back, only
ordinations and institutions continued a while. But
after the covenant was appointed to be taken and
was generally swallowed of both clergy and laity, my
power of ordination was with some strange violence
restrained. For when I was going on in my wonted
course (which no law or ordinance had inhibited)
certain forward volunteers in the city call me to an
account for an open violation of their covenant.
A.D. 1 69 1. J FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 197
Whiles I received nothing, yet something was
required of me. They were not ashamed after they
had taken away and sold all my goods and personal
estate, to come to me for assessments and monthly
payments for that estate which they had taken, and
took distresses from me upon my most just denial,
and vehemently required me to find the wonted arms
of my predecessors, when they had left me nothing.
Many insolences and affronts w«re in all this time
put upon us. One while a whole rabble of volunteers
came to my gates late, when they were locked up,
and called for the porter to give them entrance, which
being not yielded, they threatened to make by force,
and had not the said gates been very strong they had
done it Others of them clambered over the walls
and would come into mine house ; their errand (they
said) was to search for delinquents. What they would
have done, I know not, had not we by a secret way
sent to raise the officers for our rescue. Another
while the sheriff Toftes, and Alderman Linsey,
attended with many zealous followers, came into my
chapel to look for superstitious pictures and relics of
idolatry, and sent for me, to let me know they found
those windows full of images, which were very
offensive, and must be demolished ! I told them
they were the pictures of some antient and worthy
bishops, as St. Ambrose, Austin, &c. It was answered
me, that they were so many popes ; and one younger
man amongst the rest (Townsend as I perceived
afterwards) would take upon him to defend that
every diocesan bishop was pope. I answered him
with some scorn, and obtained leave that I might
198 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
with the least loss and defacing of the windows, give
order for taking off that offence, which I did by
causing the heads of those pictures to be taken off
since I knew the bodies could not offend.
" There was not that care and moderation used in
reforming the cathedral church bordering upon my
palace. It is no other than tragical to relate the
carriage of that furious sacrilege, whereof our eyes
and ears were the sad witnesses, under the authority
and presence of Linsey, Toftes the sheriff, and
Greenwood. Lord, what work was here ; what clat-
tering of glasses, what beating down of walls, what
tearing up of monuments, what pulling down of seats,
what wresting out of irons and brass from the win-
dows and graves ; what defacing of arms, what de-
molishing of curious stone-work that had not any
representation in the world, but only of the cost of
the founder and skill of the mason ; what tooting
and piping upon the destroyed organ-pipes, and what
a hideous triumph on the market day before all the
country, when, in a kind of sacrilegious and profane
procession, all the organ-pipes, vestments, both copes
and surplices, together with the leaden cross, which
had been newly sawn down from over the green-yard
pulpit, and the service books and singing books that
could be had, were carried to the fire in the public
market-place ; a lewd wretch walking before the
train in his cope trailing in the dirt, with a service
book in his hand, imitating in an impious scorn the
tune, and usurping the words of the Litany used
formerly in the church ! Near the public cross, all
these monuments of idolatry must be sacrificed to
A.D. 1 69 1.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 1 99
the fire, not without much ostentation of a zealous
joy in discharging ordnance to the cost of some who
professed how much they had longed to see that day.
Neither was it any news upon this guild-day to have
the cathedral now open on all sides to be filled with
musketeers, waiting for the mayor's return, drinking
and tobacconing as freely as if it had turned alehouse." ^
* * ♦ * ♦
Though the spoilers began at the bishop they did
not end with him. Throughout the whole diocese,
wherever a clergyman was suspected of any loyalty
to his sovereign, or any dislike of the dominant
faction in Parliament, he was ousted from his pre-
ferment without ceremony and without pity. Some
hundreds of the Norfolk and Suffolk clergy were
turned out of doors, in most cases at a few hours'
notice ; nor were they only deprived of their livings
and all emoluments derivable from the benefice, but
their private estates were heavily taxed to bear the
expenses of the war against the king; the more
valuable the living the more sure was the incumbent
to be denounced as a malignant.
The frivolous charges made against some of the
country clergy would seem to us quite incredible if
they were not so well authenticated, and the ran-
corous cruelty with which some were persecuted for
years after they were ejected is almost unexampled,
even in the deplorable annals of bigotry and intole-
rance. In many instances an ejected minister, finding
himself penniless, supported himself by taking pupils,
» See Note (F).
200 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
and even from this means of livelihood he was not
unfrequently debarred. Thus Mr. Lionel Gatford,
who had been turned out of the living of Dennington
in Suffolk, set up a school at Keninghall. Just as
he was prospering in his new occupation, it was
found out that he still persisted in using the Liturgy;
he was hunted down, and compelled to remove
from place to place, again and again driven from
his home. Mr. Hugh Williams, who was ejected
from the living of Forncett, settled at Low Leyton
in Essex, and opened a school, which was thriving
fairly when he received a command to desist
from his occupation. The same thing happened
to Mr. Nathaniel Goodwin, vicar of Cransford,
and to Thomas Tyllot, rector of Depden, when the
ordinance came out that no sequestered minister
should be allowed to teach a private school. Yet, as
always happens, and always will happen, persecution
brought out in many of the oppressed some very
noble examples of generosity and the highest Christian
virtues. The rector of St. Margaret's, Ipswich, Geast
by name, might amuse himself with a somewhat grim
joke when he told his friends that he had counted
the words in the Solemn League and Covenant and
found them to number exactly six hundred and sixty
and six ; and the rector of Burgh, near Aylsham,
might enjoy the fun of keeping the parish register in
his own possession, and leave on record how he had
persisted in using the Book of Common Prayer for
years after he had been ejected, had married people
with the ring, and had baptised children with the
sign of the cross ; but for the most part the sense
A.D. 169I.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 201
of wrong was too deep, and the sorrow and trouble
too poignant to allow of any but such reflections as
soften a man and bring out the best parts of his
character. Thus Lawrence Bretton, when ejected
from his living of Hitcham in Suffolk, and plundered
of his landed estates, managed to live in some com-
fort on the interest of money which he had put out.
He retired to Hadleigh, his birthplace, and there
became known for his liberal almsgiving and his
daily use of the service, which he read to all who
chose to attend. Lionel Playters, again, after being
deprived of his living of Uggeshall, never ceased to
exercise his ministry, and years after he had suc-
ceeded to a baronetcy by the death of his elder
brother, continued to preach regularly, and did so
to the end of his life, though the Restoration had
come before then and he had exchanged poverty
for affluence. The story of the parishioners of
Dickleburgh vainly endeavouring to retain their
dearly loved rector, and combining to protect him
and his property when the sequestrators came to
rob him, is one of the most touching narratives in
all that sad collection of heart-rending stories with
which Walker's pages are filled.
Bishop Hall died 8th September, 1656, in the
eighty-third year of his age. He never left his dio-
cese, but spent his later years at Heigham, a suburb
of Norwich, dispensing to the last his gentle charities,
and showing a brave heart and a Christian temper
which all the malice of his enemies could not ruffle.
When the Restoration came at last, after eighteen
years of bitter trial, there was no bishop of Norwich,
202 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
nor dean of the cathedral, nor a single archdeacon.
One of the prebends — Spendlove — was in prison for
debts contracted in his deep poverty which he had
not the means of paying. The single other represen-
tative of the chapter who survived to see Charles 11.
proclaimed, was Edward Young, who soon was trans-
ferred to the deanery of York. The churches had
become deplorably dilapidated, the parsonage-houses
in many cases were roofless and ruinous, but the great
mass of the people were utterly weary of a condition
of affairs which had become intolerable. Even the
generation which had grown up under the new regime
looked with eagerness to the hope of a Restoration in
the State and in the Church.
Oliver Cromwell died 3rd September, 1658, three
years after the cruel edict was issued which forbade
that any ejected clergyman should be permitted to
keep any school, public or private, or preach in any
public place or at any private meeting. When this
edict was carried into effect, things had almost come
to their worst in the Church of England. Richard
Cromwell called a Parliament on the 27th January,
1659, and dissolved it on the 22nd April. Then
followed the resuscitation of the Long Parliament in
the person of its forty-two surviving members, and the
quarrel between this Parliament— the Rump — and the
army. At last the Restoration came, and Charles II.
entered London as king on the 29th May, 1660.
Since the judicial murder of Archbishop Laud,
seventeen of the bishops had died. At the Restora-
tion there were nine prelates still alive who had sur-
vived the long period of plunder and persecution ;
A.D, 1 69 1.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 203
one of them, Bishop Wren, formerly of Norwich and
afterwards of Ely, was still a prisoner jn the Tower,
though he had never been brought to trial. The
clergy were divided into two great parties ; the one
consisted of those who had been episcopally ordained
in the old days, and in large numbers had been
ejected from their livings for their loyalty and attach-
ment to the Liturgy ; the other party was composed
of such as were, more or less, opposed to episcopacy
altogether, who had themselves received orders by
the laying-on of the hands of the presbytery only,
and who had nothing to gain and everything to lose
by the bringing in again of the old order. Many of
these latter had supplanted the old incumbents, and
for years had enjoyed their benefices. What was to
become of them now ? Where the ejected clergy were
still alive they were forthwith reinstated into their
livings ; where they had died off, the interlopers were
allowed to remain for a while, at any rate, undisturbed.
Outside the Church there were the sects to deal with.
By far the most powerful of these were the Inde-
pendents. They may be said to have risen into
notice first in the diocese of Norwich, and it was
here that they first became a formidable and aggres-
sive body under the original leadership of Robert
Browne in Suffolk, and subsequently under the far
abler and more saintly John Robinson at Norwich.
Driven out of England, they settled for some years
in Holland. When the ordinance for the seques-
tration of the bishops' estates was passed they re-
turned in great numbers to their own country, and
met with a cordial reception in some quarters. They
204 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
were well represented in the assembly of divines, and
from henceforth appear as a recognised party in all
the religious warfare that ensued. Oliver Cromwell
for some time seemed to throw his whole influence
into their scale ; perhaps he was using them for his
own ends. It was the irrepressible self-assertion of
their ministers that gained for them a fictitious im-
portance wholly out of proportion to their numbers.
But, while the Church was divided into Episcopalians
and Presbyterians^ the Independents were the spokes-
men of the sects ; and outside of these again, and
opposed by all the rest, were those who were in com-
munion with the Church of Rome, and who were
known by the old name of reproach as Papists,
Three great matters required to be dealt with, and
at once: (i) the filling up the vacant bishoprics;
(2) the settling of the difficult problem of Presby-
terian ordination; (3) the measure of toleration to
the sectaries.
Before filling up the vacant sees, it was deemed
necessary to restore the cathedral chapters, with
whom, technically, the election of the bishops lay^
To the deanery of Norwich the king appointed Dr.
John Crofts, whose brother, William Lord Crofts, was
at this time high in favour. The prebendaries of the
third and fourth stalls had been appointed before
the rebellion and ejected ; they returned to their
places, of course. Mr. Spendlove, who had been
promoted as early as 16 16 to the sixth prebend,
had been utterly beggared, and died almost in want
in 1666. The vacant stalls were filled up by very
competent men, one of them being Dr. Vincent
A.D. 1 69 1.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 205
Piers, chaplain to Charles II., as he had formerly
been to his father.
To the bishopric was elected on the 28th November,
1660, Dr. Edward Reynolds, and he was conse-
crated in Henry VII. *s Chapel 6th January, 1661.
Though Bishop Reynolds had been identified for
years with the Presbyterians, and had, indeed, been
a prominent divine of the party, yet he had experi-
enced persecution himself at the hands of the zealots,
and after being a member of the Assembly, one of
the visitors of the University of Oxford, and then
Dean of Christ Church, he, too, had been ejected
from his deanery during the domination of the Inde-
pendents, and kept out of it for nine years. Asso-
ciated as he had been with Richard Baxter and Dr.
Calamy, there was a doubt whether or not he would
follow their example and decline the bishopric; it was
well for Norwich that wiser counsels prevailed, and a
man so learned, earnest, and conscientious, should have
been appointed at this crisis to preside over the see.
II. Before long it became evident that it was im-
possible to avoid adopting measures which would
press heavily upon many who could not be prevailed
on to submit themselves to the revived discipline or
to consent to episcopal ordination, and that happened
with several Presbyterians who had ousted others,
and were ejected themselves in their turn.
In the diocese of Norwich it appears that sixty-
seven ministers were ejected from their cures. Of
these, nine afterwards conformed. Eleven were hold-
ing benefices the incumbents of which had been
dispossessed eighteen years before, and had survived
306 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
the Commonwealth ; thus the number of those who
were cast out " for conscience sake " in the diocese
of Norwich amounted to forty-seven, all told. How
inconsiderable this number was in comparison with
those who had suffered the loss of all things during
the Rebellion .may be easily gathered from the fact
that, eighteen years after the sequestration ordinance
of 1642, there were still thirty-one beneficed clergy-
men who are known to have been alive, and who
thought it worth while to petition the House of Lords
for restitution j while of that far larger number who
had died of misery and want, and of those who,
being still alive, had not the heart or the means to
incur the expense, or whose livings were not worth
asking for again, no account has been taken, and
little record remains ^ except such as the diligence of
John Walker could collect more than fifty years after
the Restoration had been brought about.
III. The attempt to grant toleration to all again
failed deplorably. It was violently resisted by those
who were most vehement in demanding it for them-
selves; for, though the Dissenters ^^xq loud in claim-
ing the right to worship God after their own fashion,
they were louder still in denying liberty of conscience
to the Papists, Intolerance won the day, and there-
' The whole number of clergy in the counties of Norfolk and
Suffolk deprived of their cures can hardly be estimated at less
than 250. Walker gives the names and sufferings of 214. The
list is confessedly incomplete, and requires to be supplemented
by the collections of those who have carried on researches on
the subject. It must be remembered that there were several
livings in the Isle of Ely which were then comprehended in the
diocese of Norwich.
A.D. 1691.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 207
upon followed in too rapid succession those infamous
Acts which are the disgrace of our Statute Book, and
which only too late were at last happily swept away.
Who can think, without a blush, of the Act of Uni-
farmity^ the Conventicle Act, and the Five-mile Act,
and all the shameful proceedings which ensued as the
inevitable consequence of those un-Christian laws?
It must not be forgotten, however, that the cruelty
practised in some dioceses was by no means observ-
able in all ; and, under a prelate such as was Bishop
Reynolds, the treatment received by the Noncon-
formists was not. likely to be as bad as it unhappily
was elsewhere. We hear of no harshness in East
. Anglia.
In at least five ^ of the churches of Norwich, the
ministers who had been intruded into the cures during
the Commonwealth were suffered to remain undis-
turbed, though they were presumably men of decided
Presbyterian leaning. One clergyman, the rector of
All Saints*, who had been instituted as far back as
1624, retained his living through all the troubled
tipies, never left his cure, and died at his post after
an incumbency of fifty-two years, in 1679. ^^t the
most interesting case is that of John Whitefoot. He
was a close personal friend of Bishop Hall's, and by
him presented to the benefice in 1652, ten years after
Hall had himself been driven from his bishopric
* I. St. Peter's Mancroft ; 2. St. Edmund's ; 3. St. Saviour's ;
4. St. Augustine's; 5. St. Stephen's. Dr. Collings, though
ejected from this parish as vicar, continued to minister here and
at St. Saviour's till 1678, at any rate; how much longer, I have
not been able to ascertain.
^
208 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636-
and plundered in different ways ; but he still retained
his patronage of the rectory of Heigham by virtue of
his being Abbot of Hultn, Mr. Whitefoot held the
living for thirty years undisturbed.
During Bishop Reynolds's episcopate, no less than
three future archbishops of Canterbury were more or
less connected with the see of Norwich. At the
time of the Restoration, Bancroft was living on his
property at Fressingfield, in Suffolk, after having been
ejected from his fellowship at Emmanuel College,
Cambridge. Tillotson became Rector of Redington,
in the same county, in 1662,* and held it for two or
three years. Tenison was minister of St. Peter's
Mancroft, in the city of Norwich, at the time that
Bishop Reynolds died.
For sixteen years the bishop's mild and gentle rule
continued. In the great plague of 1666, his charity
to the needy and distressed was unbounded. He
exerted himself strenuously to improve the condition
of the poorer clergy, and by his noble example stimu-
lated others to do the same. In renewing his leases,
he systematically reserved substantial annuities to be
paid to the impoverished incumbents whom, under
the system of impropriations, the monks had plun-
dered in the old time ; and in his will he gave proofs
of his thoughtful munificence by the legacies he left
behind him. One great supreme gift he gave, not to
his diocese alone, but to the Church of England, for
which his name deserves to be remembered with
lasting gratitude by all who worship within her pale.
How few there are who pour out their hearts in the
words of her daily office who know that the adoring
A.D. 1 69 1.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 209
words of the General Thanksgiving are the compo-
sition of Edward Reynolds, bishop of Norwich,
and that it was he who drew up that matchless con-
tribution to the Book of Common Prayer !
Bishop Reynolds died 28th July, 1676, and was
succeeded by Anthony Sparrow, translated from
the see of Exeter.
Bishop Sparrow was born at Depden in Suffolk,
where, upon a considerable estate which he had
inherited from his father, he lived for eleven years
after he had been ejected from his fellowship at
Queen's College, Cambridge, and subsequently from
the rectory of Hawkedon in his native county. The
year before Cromwell died he published his well-
known "Rationale upon the Book of Common
Prayer," and this at a time when the use of it was
forbidden under heavy penalties. While bishop he
seems to have lived in the palace at Norwich habitu-
ally,^ and to have been much respected and beloved j
he died 19th May, 1685, ^^^^ an episcopate of
nearly nine years, during which, in the face of great
difficulties, he certainly contrived to work some change
for the better, though in such an age reforms were
hard to carry out when among clergy and laity ear-
nestness and zeal were rare.
There is no epoch in the history of England more
humiliating to look back upon than the year 1685 ;
that year when a king of England meanly apostatised
upon his deathbed ; when, in defiance of every
* When Bishop Reynolds came to Norwich he found the
palace let out in tenements^ and in sore decay ; the palace chapel
was a ruin. The latter he entirely rebuilt.
P
2IO NORWICH. [a.d. i636-.
honourable engagement, mass was publicly said at
Whitehall; when the cruelties practised upon the
wretched Titus Gates were but the beginning of that
series of atrocities perpetrated upon the unhappy
rebels in Scotland, the butcheries of the Bloody
Assize, and the infamous persecution of the Dis-
senters which raged during the autumn. On these
horrors we are happily not called to dwell.
James II. succeeded to the throne 5 th February ;
Bishop Sparrow died on the 19th of May. On
that day Parliament assembled, and among its first
acts it resolved itself into a grand committee of
religion, as if to show that the old differences still
existed and the old quarrels were not dead. Then
came the summer of rebellion, ending with the battle
of Sedgmoor on the 6th July. Two days before this
event, William Lloyd, a Welshman, succeeded to
the bishopric of Norwich. Bishop Lloyd had been
consecrated to Llandaff ten years before ;^ thence
he was removed to Peterborough in 1679, ^^^ ^^^
finally was translated to the East Anglian see. The
new bishop was a man of no learning or academical
reputation, and had left St. John's College, Cambridge,
shortly after taking his degree. After spending some
years abroad, he appears to have returned to England
at the Restoration, and to have been made preben-
' There was another Bishop William Lloyd, who is very liable
to be confused with the Bishop of Norwich. He was Fellow of
Jesus College, Oxford, was made Dean of Bangor, 1672 ;
Bishop of St. Asaph, 16S0 ; translated to Lichfield, 1692 ; and
to Worcester, 1699. He died in 171 7- He was one of the
seven bishops sent to the Tower in 1688.
A.D. 1 69 1.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 211
dary of St PauFs in 1672. . His promotion followed
rapidly, but he was one whose conscience did not
allow him to sell himself for lucre, and the infatuation
of James II. in attempting to bring the nation into
subjection to the papacy left him no choice as to his
course. When the declaration for liberty of conscience
was published in 1687, — a measure intended to out-
wit everybody and which deceived nobody, — Bishop
Lloyd acted with great promptness, and managed
to get a letter from himself to his clergy printed and
circulated before the objectionable document was in
their hands. The result was that the declaration was
not read at all in his diocese. It was by an accident
that his name did not appear among the signatories
to the petition to the king against the declaration, and
he thereby escaped being thrown into the Tower with
the seven bishops whose action contributed so much to
hurry on the inevitable crisis. The crisis came and
found Bishop Lloyd confused by his own scruples,
and mastered by the genius and casuistry of abler men
than himself. Sancroft, the primate, seems to have
obtained a great ascendancy over him, and by
Bancroft's course he set his own. Thus, when it
became necessary for him to take the oath of alle-
giance to William III., he refused, was ejected from
his bishopric, and was thrust into a position for
which he was wholly unfit, as leader of the Nonjurors .
From that moment he seems to have lost his head.
He wrote nothing, did nothing, was nothing but a
clumsy intriguer. He had been an excellent preacher
— to his gift of pulpit oratory he owed his pro-
motion, — ^but now he was silenced ; he became seri-
p 2
212 NORWICH. [a,D. 1636-
ously implicated in the disgraceful plot with which
the name of another Nonjuror, — Turner, bishop of
Ely, — is associated, and from his suburban retreat
he kept up very suspicious relations with the Jacobite
malcontents at home and abroad. For nineteen years
he lived in his retirement, suspected but unmolested.
However important a personage he may have seemed
in his own eyes or in those of his ever-diminishing
followers, he had utterly effaced himself, and nothing
could have convinced him more bitterly of the folly
of his career and its failure than the calm indifference
with which he was treated by the sovereign, who could
afford to take no notice of him or of his designs.
The schism of the Nonjurors was, undoubtedly, a
serious injury to the Church of England, and the more
serious because it occurred exactly at a time when the
old divisions seemed to be in a fair way of healing
up, and when united action was supremely necessary ;
but the vacant preferments were filled without diffi-
culty by the appointment of divines hardly, if at all,
inferior to those who left their posts. The whole
number of those who were deprived scarcely exceeded
four hundred, and in the diocese of Norwich only
about twenty, and among them not a single man of
any note or eminence, joined the party of secession.
In the changes that ensued upon the Revolution,
however, the cathedral suffered one great loss in the
promotion of Dr. John Sharp from the deanery of
Norwich to the deanery of Canterbury, whence he
was removed to the archbishopric of York. A man
of rare earnestness, learning, and discretion, and of a
generous nature, he would have become a power
A.D. 1 69 1.] FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE. 213
for good in the East Anglian metropolis had he been
suffered to remain ; he was, unfortunately, succeeded
by a miserable creature whose only title to preferment
was the prominent part he had taken in resisting
James II.'s attempt to Romanise Oxford and to force
a nominee of his own into the Headship of Magdalen
College. Dr. Fairfax has been wickedly slandered,
or he was the most disgraceful person who ever
occupied the deanery.
Bishop Lloyd died at Hammersmith, January i,
1709. Nearly twenty-four years before, his entry into
his diocese had resembled a triumphal procession.
In the spring of 1686, his confirmation had been
attended by hundreds, and of all ages. On one
occasion three of the aldermen of Norwich, with
their wives and families, had presented themselves at
the rite. Everywhere he had been welcomed with
enthusiasm. Twenty years had passed, and he was
forgotten.
One act of his during his retirement must not be
passed over without notice, though it can only be
mentioned with regret and shame. On the 24th
November, 1694, Bishop Lloyd, in conjunction with
Turner, the deprived bishop of Ely, and White,
actual bishop of Peterborough, consecrated Dr. George
Hickes as bishop of Thetford, and Thomas Wagstaffe
as bishop of Ipswich.^ It was a discreditable pro-
' Dr. Hickes was one of the most learned scholars of his day.
He had been Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, and was pre-
ferred to the deanery of Worcester in 1683. Mr. Wagstaffe
was a much more insignificant person ; he was rector of the
united parishes of St. Margaret Pattens and St. Gabriel, Fen-
214 NORWICH. [a.D. 1636^1691.
ceeding to all concerned, though, as the event proved,
it was less mischievous than futile. Mr. Wagstaffe is
heard of no more. Dr. Hickes, some years after,
exercised his episcopal functions, and unwisely.
The Nonjurors died out, as a matter of course ;
the curse of schism clung to them. The Church of
England lost them, but, by their secession, none
gained.
Bishop Lloyd was the sixth bishop of Norwich in
direct succession, each of whom had suffered more
or less severely in person or in substance for con-
science sake.
To recapitulate.
Bishop Wren was a prisoner in the Tower for
eighteen years.
Bishop Montague was the object of unrelenting
attacks by the Parliament, and was with difficulty
delivered out of their hands.
Bishop Hallos sufferings are well known.
Bishop Reynolds was ejected from the deanery
of Christ Church in 1650.
Bishop Sparrow was turned out of the living of
Hawkdon, in Suffolk, and kept out of it for eleven
years.
These were all cast out by others. Bishop Lloyd
may, with justice, be said to have forced the " powers
that be " to an exercise of severity they would gladly
have been spared.
church-street, London, from which he was ejected. He appears
to have been a somewhat popular preacher.
A.D. 169I-1884.] NORWICH. 215
CHAPTER XII.
ONWARD !
Oh, not for baneful self-complacency,
Not for the setting-up our present selves
To triumph o*er our past (worst pride of all),
May we compare this present with that past ;
But to provoke renewed acknowledgments.
But to incite unto an earnest hope
For all our brethren ! * * *
***** Be it ours,
Both thine and mine, to ask for that calm frame
Of spirit, in which we know and deeply feel
How little we can do, and yet do that.
Bishop Moore held the see of Norwich for sixteen
years ; he was consecrated on the 5th July, 1691, but
it was more than a year before he appeared in his
diocese. He had been one of the London clergy
for some time before, and the London clergy now
were monopolising all the preferment. A Cambridge
man and fellow of St Catharine Hall for several
years, he was a great favourer of Cambridge men.
His love of books was a passion with him, and his
immense library was purchased at his death by
George I. and given to the University of Cambridge.
During all the miserable contentions that make the
history of convocation in the reign of Queen Anne
such depressing reading, Bishop Moore sided with
2l6 NORWICH. [a.D. 169I-
the moderate party, and in his appointments he
carefully avoided any countenance of the extremists.
At no period before or since has the diocese of
Norwich been able to boast of so many divines of
learning and influence occupying prominent positions
in the capitular body, and holding representative
preferment, as during the time of Bishop Moore.
The four archdeacons were all men of mark. Dr.
Jeffery, the eloquent and exemplary minister of
St. Peter's Mancroft, the editor of Whichcote's Dis-
courses, was archdeacon of Norwich.^ Dr. Trimnell,
who succeeded to the bishopric after Bishop Moore's
removal from the see, was archdeacon of Norfolk.
Mr. Nicholas Clagget was archdeacon of Sudbury,
son of another Nicholas who had been a very notable
lecturer at Bury St. Edmunds during the Common-
wealth days, and intimately associated while there
with Edward Calamy the Elder. When the father
retired from his lectureship, his eldest son, Dr.
William Clagget, succeeded to the post, and when he
again retired, on being made Preacher to Gray's Inn,
our Nicholas was elected, and won a high reputation
for ability, zeal, and learning. But the most vigorous
and energetic personage in the diocese was Dr.
Humphrey Prideaux, a scholar of large and varied
reading and a man of great energy of character;
foremost in every good work, " intolerant of every-
thing that savoured of slovenliness and neglect, he
could make himself extremely disagreeable to a
dissolute or worthless functionary, and was apt to
* He, too, was of the Bishop's own College, St. Catharine's
Hall.
A.D. 1884.] onward! 217
speak out so plainly that all men did not love him.
Dr. Prideaux became dean of the Cathedral in
1702, but held his archdeaconry with the deanery
till his death. One characteristic of his visitation
charges has been handed down to us, — he was very
earnest in advocating the duty of family prayer.
But the archdeacons were far from being the only
notables at this time in the diocese. In the appoint-
ment of his chaplains Bishop Moore showed his
tastes very plainly. Among them were William
Whiston (Sir Isaac Newton's successor as Lucasian
Professor), an eccentric personage, who, however,
had not yet propounded his wild theories; Dr.
Samuel Clarke, another audacious genius, whose con-
temporaries regarded him as one of the lights of the
world j and Thomas Tanner, author of the " Notitia
Monastica,'* who became chancellor of the diocese in
1 701.1 How diligent and laborious a student Dr.
Tanner was of the episcopal records, and how ably
he epitomised the vast mass of documents that he
studied so carefully, they know best who have had
most occasion to refer to his precious volumes and to
experience the boundless courtesy of their preesnt
accomplished custodian.^
There were two other men of mark whom Bishop
^ Dr. Tanner married a daughter of Bishop Moore*s, and
became eventually Bishop of St, Asaph.
* How he became possessor of the famous collection of MSS.
now in the Bodleian, whether he had any right to appropriate
them or to alienate them, and who are the rightful owners of
the collection, are questions which it might be inconvenient to
answer, and perhaps to ask.
2l8 NORWICH. [a.D. 1691-
MooRE had intended to patronise, but who broke
away from Norwich early in their career. These were
the brothers John and Benjamin Hoadley. Bishop
Moore had brought their father, Samuel Hoadley,
back to Norwich, his birthplace, and obtained for him
the head mastership of the grammar school in 1699.
John Hoadley, the future archbishop of Armagh, was
sub-master of the school for some time. Benjamin,
the more famous bishop of Winchester, first became
notorious while lecturer at St. Mildred's, Poultry, —
the rector of which church was Dr. Martin, a pre-
bendary of Norwich. Though Benjamin Hoadley
was another Catharine Hall man,^ Bishop Moore
seems to have dropped him as a protegi after his
much talked-of sermon before the Lord Mayor in
1705-
It was during Bishop Moore's episcopate that a
change for the better began in the moral and religious
condition of society in England which was most
sorely needed. The earnest and prayerful efforts of
the societies for reformation of manners were rewarded
with marked success — clergy and laity, Churchmen
and Dissenters uniting cordially in their endeavours
to minimise the dreadful evils which required to be
put an end to. In 1698 the Society for the Promotion
of Christian Knowledge was founded. It appears
from Prideaux' letters that twenty years before this
an attempt had been made to organise something like
a Church Missionary Society. Prideaux' paper on
the subject is printed in his Life. In 1701 the
> lie entered at St. Catharine Hall, in 1692, as a pensioner
under the future Bishop King.
A.D. l834-] ONWARD ! 219
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel received
its charter. With much to deplore, there was much
to encourage, and sanguine men may well have taken
heart, and, as they watched the outlook, prophesied
that better days were coming. Yet they came not.
. Bishop MooRE was translated to Ely in 1707, and
was succeeded by Dr. Charles Trimnell, who,
together with his stall at Norwich, held the rectory of
St. James's, Westminster, and had formerly been
Preacher at the Rolls. He made his public entry
into the city 21st May, 1707, and held the bishopric
till 172 1, when he in his turn was translated to the
see of Winchester. His episcopate was uneventful ;
the old generation of distinguished clergymen, who
had once been the pride of the diocese, passed away ;
their successors were nonentities, of whom there is
nothing to record.
There was, however, one living link between the
days of Bishop Moore and the dismal apathy of the
Georgian era. When Archbishop Tenison was plain
Mr. Tenison and a popular preacher at Norwich,
there was a lad of sixteen at Norwich school who had
shown signs of great ability, and whose name had
been entered at Tenison's own college — Corpus
Christi — in July, 1674. This was Thomas Green,
son of a gentleman of the same name, a parishioner
of the future primate's, and a man of substance in
the city. Tenison took great interest in the youth,
who, in process of time, became fellow, tutor, and
master of his college, obtained the hand of a sister
of Dr. Trimnel in marriage, and, after being made
the primate's domestic chaplain, and then archdeacon
2 20 NORWICH. [a.D. 1691-
of Canterbury, succeeded his brother-in-law as bishop
of Norwich, to which see he was consecrated 8th
October, 1721. Having attained the proud position
of bishop in his own birthplace, most men would
have been content to rest there to the end; but
Bishop Green was of a different mind. AUiorapeto
seems to have been his motto, and, accordingly, having
got all that could be hoped for from Norwich, he, less
than two years after his consecration, consented to
be translated to the richer see of Ely, where he died,
at the age of eighty, on the i8th of May, 1738. He
was the author of some writings, which were printed,
and, possibly, at some time read. His brief term of
office at Norwich must have been a disappointment
to the diocese, which had a right to expect something
from her own son. If he was soon forgotten and
little regretted, it may have been that he did not
deserve to be remembered.
Bishop Green's successor was another Cambridge
man, and another of those fellows of St. Catherine's
Hall who rose to high preferment; this was John
Leng, who was famous in his day as a Latin scholar,
and was Boyle lecturer in 17 18 and 17 19. George I.
made him one of his chaplains. He held the
bishopric for just four years, and died of the small-
pox, in London, in October, 1727. Dr. William
Baker was bishop of Norwich for five years, having
been translated to the see from Bangor. If he ever
resided in his diocese, no record of his residence
remains. He died at Bath, in December, 1732. Dr.
Robert Butts, dean of the cathedral, to which he
had been appointed a short month before, sue-
A.D. 1 884. ] ONWARD ! 221
ceeded. He was a Suffolk man ; appears to have
been a good preacher of sermons, and to have shown
some zeal and earnestness in his diocese ; but once
more the bishopric of Ely proved an attraction which
has so often proved irresistible to an East Anglian
prelate, and to that see accordingly he was translated
in 1738, and gave place to Dr. Thomas Gooch,
ancestor of the present Sir Francis Gooch, Bart., of
Benacre Hall, Suffolk.^
The bishop was translated from Bristol to Norwich,
and thence to Ely in 1748. Horace Walpole has a
sneer to throw at him; but he had not held the
bishopric four years before he founded the valu-
able society for the support of the widows and
orphans of the clergy of the diocese, which has con-
tinued ever since in a quiet, unostentatious way to
relieve poverty and sorrow in many a stricken
family.
Bishop Samuel Lisle, translated from St. Asaph,
was bishop of Norwich for barely six months. Bishop
Haytor was consecrated on the 3rd December, 1749.
He was a divine with a character for honesty and
zeal rare in that bad time ; he had been archdeacon
of York, chaplain to George II., and tutor to
George HI., but in the Church of England in those
days clergy and laity were slumbering. People
thought only of politics, if they thought at all.^
Religious life had never been at so low an ebb. It
' The bishop succeeded his brother as second baronet in 175 1.
* " The people had no turn for controversy. The Church
had no writers to make them fond of it again."— Horace
Walpole, "History of George II.," vol. i., p. 147.
222 NORWICH. [a.D. 169I-
was in Bishop Haytor's days that the Wesleyan
movement first made itself felt in the eastern coun-
ties, though, to a much less degree, than in the south
and west. Whitfield made more than one visit to
Norwich, but with no very great results : the cold
and lethargic temperament of the East Anglian people
is not easily stirred to enthusiasm ; soon roused to
hatred ; they are very slow to love, and the emotional
in them seems to be reached only through their re-
sentment. Wesley appears to have been shocked and
horrified by the reception accorded him in the diocese
of Norwich. His " Journal " is full of lamentations at
the " perverseness " and " fickleness " of the people.
In 1758 he writes, — "It seems the time is come
when our labour even in Norwich will not be in vain."
Next year he is there again. The Society had lost
ground, and, when he preached, the " congregation
was rude and noisy." On the 2nd February, 1761,
he preached in the cathedral He says, " Bedlam
broke out among the hearers," and " the unparalleled
fickleness of the people in these parts " moved his
righteous ire. Three years after this he tells us the
Society had dwindled down to 174, and he writes : —
" I have seen no people in all England or Ireland so
changeable as this." Wesley did not think the
Norfolk men improved upon acquaintance. At Yar-
mouth, the Society^ in 1769, had become "shattered
by divisions," and in 1774 a former class-leader had
actually the audacity to call his sermon " damnable
doctrine." At Norwich, he says, they are "unstable
as water," and " marvellous ignorance prevails among
the generality of people." And in 1785 he declares
A.D 1884.] 01(}WARD! 223
them to be " the most fickle and yet the most stub-
bora."
Bishop Haytor was promoted to the see of London
on the accession of George III., and Dr. Philip
YoNGE succeeded him as bishop of Norwich. The
new bishop was a Cambridge man. He had been
fellow of Trinity, and was elected public orator of
the University in 1746. Bishop Gooch had ap-
pointed him Master of Jesus College in 1752. Next
year he was preferred to a stall in St. Paul's, and in
1758 he became bishop of Bristol. He held the see
of Norwich for twenty-two years. It is said he owed
his many preferments to the favour of the Duke of
Newcastle, whose duchess he escorted from Hanover
to England. Of him, too, — of his sayings or writings
or doings, — history is silent. When he died in 1 783,
Dr. Lewis Bagot was translated from Bristol to suc-
ceed him, — a mild and amiable gentleman, with some
pretension to learning, for his Warburtonian lectures
were famous in their day. He was again translated,
in 1790, to the see of St. Asaph, and Dr. George
HoRNE, dean of Canterbury, was consecrated bishop
in his room. Bishop Home was author of a com-
mentary on the Psalms, which was held in very high
esteem till late in the present century. There is a
very pleasing sketch of the society at Oxford among
the younger men in the life of Horne by Jones of
Nayland, his chaplain and intimate friend; there
appears to have been among them quite an enthu-
siasm for Biblical studies. Wesley's last visit to
Norfolk was in October, 1790; he was then in his
eighty-eighth vear, and he was cheered by finding the
224 NORWICH. [a.D. 169I-
clergy of Lynn giving him a friendly welcome. At
Diss, he applied to the rector for leave to preach in
his church. Bishop Horne happened to be staying
in the neighbourhood ; the rector hesitated, and put
himself in communication with the bishop, who, when
he had heard the case, gave just the answer we should
have expected of him: "Mr. Wesley is a regularly
ordained minister of the Church of England, and if
Mr. Manning has no objection to Mr. Wesley's preach-
ing in his church, I can have none." Bishop Horne
was a devout and learned student when such men were
rare, but his health and strength had begun to fail
him before he came to Norwich. The charge which
he had prepared for his primary visitation was never
delivered. He was hardly a year in his diocese, and
died in January, 1792, when he had left it to pass
the winter elsewhere. With his successor. Bishop
Manners Sutton, who became primate in 1805, the
eighteenth century came to an end.
The Georgian era in the diocese of Norwich was
a period of such deadness as had never been known
before, and which we may well pray may never be
known again. When elsewhere religious life began
to revive, and Cecil and Romaine were awakening
the enthusiasm of multitudes by their fervent preach-
ing in London, and Simeon had become a power in
Cambridge, and Joseph Milner was doing the work
of an evangelist in the North, and Henry Venn was
exercising his great and wide influence for good, and
Bishop Porteous was fighting a good fight and driving
buyers and sellers from the temple of God, and show-
ing an example of devotion and zeal, East Anglia
A.D. 1884.] onward! 225
Still slumbered on. Among the cathedral clergy there
is hardly to be found a single name in the whole
course of the eighteenth century distinguished in any
way whatever ; not one who in his generation earned
that highest of all distinctions, a reputation for con-
spicuous labours and conspicuous success as a
minister of Christ And yet it is to be hoped
that here and there, in remote country villages, un-
known and neglected, there were some who were
prayerfully doing the work of evangelising their
people; men whose names have passed away from
memory, simply because they were labouring so
humbly and patiently, sowing the good seed for
the time to come. Such a one was John Venn,
the rector of Little Dunham from 1783 to 1792,
who has left us a touching picture of the state of
his parish two years before he was removed from
it to Clapharo, where the great work of his life
was done. But what must have been the state
of affairs in the diocese at large when Mr. Venn
could write it down as if there were nothing extra-
ordinary in the fact that, on his coming to Dunham
in 1783, he was actually the first rector who had
resided upon the benefice for seventy five years !
Since the day when Bishop Manners Sutton
was translated to Canterbury in 1805, four prelates
have presided over the diocese of Norwich.
Henry Bathurst, from 1805 to 1837, the mild
and lovable gentleman whose courtliness and grace
are still remembered by the few who can look back
to fifty years ago.
Edward Stanley, second son of Sir John Stanley,
Q
226 NORWICH. [a.D. 169I-
Bart, brother of the first Baron Stanley of Alderley,
and father of the much more famous Arthur Penrhyn
Stanley, dean of Westminster. Bishop Stanley had
been for more than thirty years rector of the family
living of Alderley in Cheshire at the date of his
promotion, and is the only instance in the whole
history of the diocese of a mere country parson, who
had enjoyed no other preferment of any kind, being
appointed bishop of the see. Nevertheless, it may
be doubted whether any prelate since Herbert
Losinga's days has ever wrought so marked and
salutary a change in the East Anglian diocese as
was eflfected during the short twelve years of his
episcopate. It was Bishop Stanley who began in
earnest that vigorous stirring of the dry bones which
has never since his days been allowed to rest, which
continued through Bishop Hind's time, and which
has been kept up with such unflinching resolution
by the present bishop of the see. Posterity will be
better able than we are to estimate the force of the
current that has been flowing, and to give to each
several labourer the credit that is his due. The
history of the diocese of Norwich during the nine-
teenth century would require a volume to itself, and
would prove to be a very suggestive and a very
instructive volume, but it must be left to others to
compile. There are, however, some very eloquent
facts which speak for themselves, and which those
who are tempted to despair of the days to come
will do well to ponder, for history points with one
finger to the future as she points another to the past.
When Bishop Stanley came to the diocese in
A.D. 1884.] ONWARD ! 227
1837, there were upwards of 500 beneficed clergy-
men not residing upon their cures. In twenty years
236 of these clergy had been compelled to erect
or repair their glebe houses and to reside in their
parishes, and in another twenty years the total number
of non-residents from all causes amounted to loi.
In 1838 there were upwards of 500 parishes with
only a single service on Sunday. Now, it is difficult
to find a church — except where there are two churches
in the same parish or in the immediate vicinity —
where divine worship is not enforced twice, at least,
in the House of God.
The work of education during the last quarter of
a century has been largely taken out of the hands
of the clergy ; but for the sacrifices made by them as
a body in the diocese, — made in the past and still
being made now, — posterity will give them that due
reward of wondering gratitude which the present
generation, consumed by sectarian jealousy and
political bitterness, withholds.
They who remember the confirmations of sixty
years ago tell us stories which shall not be repeated
here. But who that has been once present at the
celebration of that most touching rite of the Church,
during the episcopate of the present bishop, can
have gone home without assurance that the Church's
work is not halting, nor the Lord's presence passed
away from her midst ?
Nor is the attendance of the people at the ordi-
nances of the sanctuary without its encouragement.
The average number of persons attending our
churches in 1858 was about 200,000, or about one-
Q 2
228 NORWICH.- [a.D. 169I-
third of the population of the diocese ; the number
of communicants was about 30,000, or the sixth of
the adults. Why it is no longer possible to give
the number of worshippers in our churches since
the later census returns, this is not the place to
explain.
But perhaps the most remarkable proof of the
wonderful revival of zeal and loyal Church feeling
during the period we are dealing with is afforded
in the immense outlay upon the building and re-
storation of churches in East Anglia.
Between the years 1840 and 1879, upwards of 860
churches had been built or put into a condition of
complete repair, at a cost of considerably more than
nine hundred thousand pounds and this exclusive of
the immense sums expended upon the cathedral
since the beginning of the century. From the reply
to the articles of inquiry issued by Bishop Pelham
previously to his last visitation, it appeared that of the
whole number of churches in the diocese— some of
them of great antiquity, others vastly too large for
the parishes, others again unsuited to the locality in
which they are now found, — only ninety-one were
reported in bad condition, and the work is still going
on.
All these are signs of life. Men that are dead do
not work, and it is living men that we want. As long
as we are alive in faith, and prayer, and practice, our
work will not stop, and the Church will go on, its
blessed influence widening and deepening from age
to age. We of the Church of Eijgland have perse-
cuted and been persecuted in our time. Suffering
A.D. 1884.] .onward! 229
has not hurt us, pillage has not destroyed us ; neither
apathy at one time nor intolerance at another has
quite overwhelmed us. Church rates have gone.
The burial-places of our dead have ceased to
be exclusively churchyards. Church schools are
menaced ; other things may go that we would wish
to retain. What then ? After every change that the
timid expected would prove utterly destructive and
the hostile exulted in as likely to prove crushing, the
Church has only been roused to fresh activity, and
has shown new and unexpected vigour.
******
From the land of Dumah, when they looked for
darkness only, the voice came, — " Watchman, what
of the night?" Night! It is not night that the
faithful watcher looks for, that would be sure to come
to an end.
** The morning cometh, and also the night." For
those who love the darkness, Night ; for those who
are awake, the dawn of a brighter day.
23° NORWICH.
NOTES TO CHAPTERS.
-•©•-
NOTE (A.) TO CHAPTER II.
The following summary, compiled, for the most part, from
Hadden and Stubbs's ''Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents
relating to Great Britain and Ireland/' vol. iti., gives briefly all
that can be gathered of the ecclesiastical history of East Anglia
(if it deserves to be called so) during the seventh, eighth, and
ninth centuries.
A.D. 669. Theodore visits all England and establishes Bisi as
bishop of East Anglia.
A.D. 673, Sept. 24. Council of Hertford, at which all the
bishops of England attend. The Vllth Canon
orders an Annual Synod at Clovesho.
A.D. 680, Sept. 17. Council at Hatfield, Ealdwulf, king of
East Anglia, consents to the assembling of the
Council, Theodore presiding.
A.D. 693. Letter of Pope Sergius, addressed to Ethelred, king
of Mercia, and Ealdwulf, king of East Anglia
[of doubtful genuineness].
A.D. 693. Bedwin, bishop of Elmham, signs a Mercian charter.
A.D. 716, July. Council at Clovesho, at which HiCRDRED,
bishop of Dunwich, and Nothberd, bishop of
Elmham, attend.
,A.D. 742. Council at Clovesho. Huetl^c and Eanfrith,
both said to be bishops of Elmham, and Egelaf,
said to be bishop of Dunwich, are reported as
present, p. 342 ; but see note (d).
A. D. 747, September. Council at Clovesho. Heardulf, styled
Sacerdos Orientalium Anglorum, attends probably
as deputy of the East Anglian bishops.
NOTES TO CHAPTERS. 23 1
A. I). 747. Elfwald, king of East Angles, writes to St. Boni-
face, begging for his prayers.
A.D. 781. Synod of Brentford, Heardred, bishop of Dun wicb,
and Ethelwulf, bishop of Elmham, attend.
A.D. 787. Synod at Ockley (in Surrey). Heardred, bishop
of Dunwich, and Alheard, bishop of Elmham,
attend [doubtful genuineness].
A. D. 789. Synod at Chelsea. The same two bishops attend.
A.D. 797. Aelfhun [bishop of Dunwich] ** died at Sudbury,
and he was buried at Dunwich, and Tidfrith was
chosen after him."
A.D. 797. Tidfrith, bishop of Dunwich, professes obedience
to Archbishop Ethelheard.
A.D. 798. Synod at Clovesho. Alheard, bishop of Elmham,
and Tidfrith, bishop of Dunwich, attend.
A.D. 799. Synod at Tamworth. Same bishops attend.
a.d. 803, October 12. Synod at Clovesho. Alheard, bbhop
of Elmham, with four priests and two deacons of
his diocese, Tidfrith, bishop of Dunwich, with
two abbots and four priests, attend.
A.D. 805, August. Synod at Ockley (?). The same two bishops.
A.D. 816, July 27. Synod at Chelsea. Tidfrith, bishop of
Dunwich, and SiBBA, bishop of Elmham.
A.D. 816. Profession of obedience by Hunferth [or Hum*
berht ?] to Archbishop Wulfred.
A.D. 824. October 30. Synod at Clovesho. Weremund, bishop
of Dunwich, and Humberht, of Elmham, attend.
A.D. 825. Synod at Clovesho. Humberht, of Elmham, and
Wilred, bishop electy of Dunwich.
[Mr. Kemble, in the "Proceedings of the Archaeo-
logical Institute" for 1847, p. 48, has added to these
notices the following.]
A.D. 825. Signature of Wilred, "without the electusy^ indi-
cating the probability of his having received con-
secration from Wulfred this year.
A.D. 839. Signatures of Wilred and Humberht.
[Mr. Kemble adds, "My opinion is, that after the
accession of ^^thelwulf [king of the West Saxons]
232 NORWICH.
East Anglia had but little communication with the
other English kingdoms .... until the new con-
solidation of England by ^Ethelstan, when Elmham
agsLin took its place among the English sees.'']
NOTE (B.) TO CHAPTER VI.
THE LADY CHAPEL.
Excavations were made at the east end of the Cathedral
in 187 1, and the foundation of Bishop Calthorp's Chapel
exposed, together with those certainly prepared for a Lady
Chapel in Bishop Herbert's time. These latter were found
to have been laid for walls and piers, varying from five to
nine feet in thickness » I am strongly of opinion that Bishop
Herbert never carried out his design of building the Lady
Chapel on these foundations, and that the Cathedral never was
furnished with such a chapel till Bishop Calthorpe supplied
the deficiency.
NOTE (C.) TO CHAPTER VII.
The recent publication ot Archbishop Peckham's Register in
the Rolls Series has furnished us with some curious details of
the primate's visitation of the Norfolk religious houses in the
winter of 1 280-1. The primate appears to have started about
the I2th of November, 1280, for we find him at Wymondham —
then a cell at St. Alban's Abbey — on the 17th, writing to the
Bishop of Ely on the subject of the less frequent use of the
Athanasian Creed which the Benedictines had attempted to
bring about some three years before. Eight days after this he
appears at Thorpe, near Norwich, where the bishop had a
house, and it seems probable that, in the interval between his
being at Wymondham and Thorpe, Peckham had visited the
great Benedictine monastery at Norwich and the nunnery of
Carrow. On the 6th of December he arrived at the Abbey of
NOTES TO CHAPTERS. 233
St. Benet's Hulm, staying there at least two days, correcting
abuses and *^qu£E corrigenda erant" (Bart. Cotton de Rege
Edw. I., p. 161). On the 13th of December he was at Gimlng-
ham, in the north of the county, where there was a deer park,
and where at this very time a dispute was going on about the
tithe of venison in the said park. The archbishop must have
arrived here not later than the 12 th, for the 13th was a very
busy day with him, and he transacted some important business.
From this date till the 4th of January he disappears. He ntay
have been spending Christmas with the king, who was at
Burgh, some forty miles off, or he niay have proceeded to visit
the religious houses on the northern coast of Norfolk, Bromholm
and Weybum, and thence on to the far more important priories
at Binham and Walsingham, where Edward I. more than once
was hospitably received. On the 4th of January, 1 28 1, he was
at Coxford, ten miles south-west of Walsingham, where was a
priory of Augustinian canons who appear to have been living
a pleasant, jovial sort of life, doing no particular harm, but
doing no good. The prior was an easy-going old gentleman,
who kept no accounts, let his canons do as they pleased, and
liked going out with a number of dogs at his heels. Moreover,
prior and canons, one and all, had been led astray by an evil-
disposed person named John of Hunstanton, who had actually
tempted them all to give themselves up to the seductive game
of chess, and this intoxication must be put a stop to, even if it
came to three days and nights on bread and water. On the
5th the archbishop moved off to another Augustinian house at
Creak, this time riding due north about ten miles, where he
induced the abbot to resign on the ground of old age and un-
fitness for-his ofhce. Three days after he is at Docking, where,
in his manor of Southmere, John Lord Lovel at this time was
the great man and kept up some state, and almost certainly
entertained the archbishop and his retinue. The day after his
arrival at Lord Lovel*s there was some threat of opposition to
the archiepiscopal visitation, for, on January loth, Peckham,
with his chaplains and secretaries, went to the church of
Docking, and there fulminated a sentence of excommunication
upon all who should dare to throw any obstacle in his way.
234 NORWICH.
From Docking he proceeded to Flitcham, a cell of Walsing-
ham, eight or nine miles in a southerly direction, and thence,
riding along the old Roman causeway called the Pedder's Road,
arrived at Castleacre Priory, where he was writing letters on the
15th. Castleacre was another of the religious houses at which
kings were wont to receive hospitality, and from Castleacre as a
centre the archbishop may easily have carried on his visitation
of the curious assemblage of monasteries in the valley of the
Nar, viz., Westacre, Pentney, Shouldham, and Marham. On
the 20th of January he was at Gaywood, near L3mn, another
manor-house of the bishops of Norwich, and by this time the
visitation of the *' religious" was nearly complete —nearly but
not quite, for there still remained the Premonstratensian abbey
at West Dereham, in the low ground near Stoke Ferry, and
the five conventual establishments at Thetford. In January we
find the archbishop at Dereham.
From this brief attempt at an itinerarium of Peckham*s
visitation of Norfolk, — for I follow him no further, — it is abun-
dantly clear that he found the monasteries, on the whole, in a
creditable state, very little to find fault with, and very little to
reform. If there had been any flagrant abuses, we should have
been sure to hear of them, for Peckham was a most zealous
Franciscany^^Vir, and the last man in the world to show any
mercy to monks who had gone wrong.
NOTE (D.) TO CHAPTER VIII.
ON SOME SUFFRAGAN BISHOPS OFFICIATING IN THE
DIOCESE OF NORWICH.
A.D. 1 263-1287. Gilbert "Hammensis" [query, Hamarensis,
in Norway?]. Stubbs's Registr., p. 143;
1333-1346. Senediot '* Cardicensis " [{. ^., Cardica under
Larissa]. I have not met with his name in any
of the Bishops' registers of this date. Bishop
Stubbs sa3rs he was suffragan of Norwich and
Winchester.
NOTES TO CHAPTERS. 235
1340-1350- Bobert Hyntleshami '* Sauastopolensis/'
which Blomefield curiously misread as Sanasco*
polensis, occurs at this period as suffragan to
Bishop Bateman. Wharton calls him Seleuco-
vallensis, which is probably Seleuco Belus in
Syria, under Apamea. About the same time
it is said that —
John Pascal acted as suffragan to Bishop Bate-
man. He was a Suffolk man and Carmelite
friar at Ipswich. Pitts says that Benedict XI. made
him Bishop of Scutari ; this would put his con-
secration some time between 1334 and 1352. In
June, 1347, he became Bishop of Llandaff, though
Stubbs seems to doubt the identity of the two
bishops.
.1372. Bobert " Archiliensis " [probably Archelais in Pales-
tine, under Caesarea] occurs this year as ordaining
for Bishop Spencer. Fourteen years afterwards he is
found as a suffragan of Hereford.
1384. Thomas Lodowis, Bishop of Killala, in Ireland
[" Aladensis *']. I find him ordaining for Bishop
Spencer in 1385 and 1386, and I have little doubt
that he was the Thomas " Scutariensis," who ordained
4th June, 1384. He was a Dominican friar. Cotton
says he died in 1388.
1393. John Leioesteri Archbishop of Smyrna. He
ordained almost continuously for Bishops Spencer,
ToTTiNGTON, CouRTENAY, and Wakering, from
May, 1393, till December, 1423. He was rector of
Threxton in 1400, and appears to have been a Car-
melite.
1424. Bobert Windel. He ordains for Bishop Wakering
in December, 1424, under the title of Bishop of
£mly, in Ireland ('*Imlicensis"); but, as it appears
that he was '* provided" for this see only and
never was put in possession, I conjecture that he
was furnished with another title, and that he was
the same whom Bishop Alnewick appointed his
236 NORWICH.
suffragan in 1426 as Robert Gradensis. He continued
to ordain in the diocese of Norwich as late as March,
1452.
1450. Thomas Sorope, sometimes called Thomas de
Bradley. He was a very notable personage in his day,
and renowned for his great learning and the rigour of his
asceticism. Originally a Benedictine monk, he put him-
self under the Carmelite rule at Norwich. Eugene IV.
made him Bishop of Dromore, in Ireland, in 1446,
and subsequently sent him on some legation to Rhodes.
He resigned his bishopric and returned to Norwich,
and in 1454 was presented by Edmund, Lord Grey
of Hastings, to the rectory of Sparham. Bishop
I.YHART appointed him his suffragan 12th September,
1450. He continues to ordain in the palace chapel,
or in the Church of the Carmelites, down to February,
1472. After Bishop Lyhart's death his name is
no longer found. There is much about him in Pitts's
** Angl. Script.," p. 681, which is chiefly derived from
the ** Speculum Carmelitarum." See also Llomefield,
iv., 419, and Cotton, "Fasti Hib.*'
1475. Florence Wulley, Bishop of Clogher, to which
bishopric he was consecrated, 27th November, 1475*
He was collated to the rectory of Merston, Norfolk,
1 2th March, 1478, and presented to the vicarage of
Codenham, Suffolk, 9th July, 1 48 1. He died in
1500, at the priory of Snape, in Suffolk. His will is
at Canterbury, and is extremely interesting. It is
curious that Cotton makes no mention of him in the
** Fasti Hib.," that Brady did not know his surname,
and that Blomefield falls into a blunder in the only
place where he notices him (ix., 427).
1502. Edmund Lyohfieldy Bishop of Chalcedon. He
appears as Prior of the House of Augustinian Canons
at Flitcham, in 1498. He was Rural Dean of Norwich
and Taverham in 1503. I find him ordaining for
Bishop Nix in the Lady Chapel of the Cathedral,
2 1st May, 1502.
NOTES TO CHAPTERS. 237
1531. John Underwood, Bishop of Chalcedon. He was
a Norwich man born and a Franciscan friar. Com-
menced D.D. at Cambridge, 1501. He was presented
to the rectories of North Creake and of Eccles-by-the-
Sea, Norfolk, in 1505. Acting for Bishop Nix in
1 53 1 as suffragan, his duty was to degrade Bilney after
his condemnation. I can find no evidence whatever
to support the assertion of BlomeBeld that he was
cruel as a persecutor. Foxe's silence when he had
every temptation to publish such a character of him is
strongly against any such a supposition. He died in
1 54 1, and was buried in St. Andrew's Church,
Norwich.
Of John Salisbury I have given some account in my
"One Generation of a Norfolk House," chap, ii.,
n. 17. I find him ordaining for Bishop Parkhurst as
late as Aug. 13, 1 573, i»e., a month before his death.
or Thomas Edwardston or Thomas Beding-
feld I know no more than Blomefield has told us. I
have been surprised not to meet with either of them in
the Registers of the Diocese.
Of Thomas Manning, Bishop of Ipswich (see supray
chap. X.), I do not find that he ever acted as a
suffragan in the Diocese.
NOTE (E.) TO CHAPTER X.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE CHANGES EFFECTED DURING THE
SIXTEENTH CENTURY IN MATTERS DOCTRINAL, RITUAL,
AND ECCLESIASTICAL.
A.D. 1536. ** Articles to stablyshe Christen
Qnietnes."
(o) Use of Images retained.
(j3) Saints " ...advancers of our prayers."
(y) Certain Rites and Ceremonies**... have power...
to stir and lift up cur minds unto God..."
(^) Purgatory, prayers for dead retained.
238 NORWICH.
A.D. 1537. ** The Institution of a Christian Han.''
(a) Seven Sacraments retained.
(j3) Images retained.
(7) " . . . Christian men should pray for souls departed. * '
A.n. 1539. The Six Articles.
(a) Transubstantiation set forth.
ip) Communion in both kinds declared unnecessary.
(r) Priests may not marry.
(S) Vows of chastity to be observed,
(e) Private masses to be continued.
(?) Auricular confession to be retained.
A.D. 1539. ** A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition
for any Christian Man."
The doctrine in this work agrees in the main with
that of the Six Articles ; i.e,f it leans to the
" Old " rather than to the " New Learning."
A.D. 1540. Proclamation ordering
a Bible to be provided
by the curate and parishioners.
A.D. 1543. The Bible forbidden.
A.D. 1547. Injunction directing that
the Bible should be set up
in every church.
(July). First Book of HomilieS published.
A.D. 1548 (March). Commimion Service published.
All Images to be removed.
(November.) Clergy allowed to marry.
A.D. 1549. The English Liturgy appears.
A.D. 1 55 1. The XLII. Articles.
A.D. 1562. The XXXVIII. Articles.
A.D. 1571, The XXXIX. Articles.
NOTES TO CHAPTERS. 239
NOTE (F.) TO CHAPTER XI.
It was not until the 9th October, 1646, that both Houses of
Parliament ordained that the **Name, Title, Stile, and Dignity
.... of all bishops .... within the Kingdom of England
and Dominion of Wales .... should be wholly abolished and
taken away " . . . . not only their lands, but their ** Charters,
Deeds, Books, Writings, &c. were vested in trustees for the
payment of the just and necessary debts of the Kingdom." On
the 1 6th November following, an ordinance was passed for the
sale of all their property, and to raise ;f 20O,cx)O by way of loan.
On the 30th April, 1649, precisely the same course was taken with
the dean and chapter and their lands, except that in the latter case
all leases granted since the ist December, 1621, were declared
void. The plundering of the cathedrals, the unmeasured robbery
and violence, the pitiless persecution of the "delinquent clergy,''
which had gone on for seven or eight years before these acts
were passed, were mere instances of mob law, but they were
all condoned, and the extent and the havoc we shall never
know. In 1646, the bishop's palace at Winchester, the deanery,
and eight prebends' houses were actually pulled down and the
materials sold. At Norwich the destruction seems to have been
less sweeping only because there was less to destroy.
k
240 NORWICH.
LIST OF BISHOPS OF EAST ANGLIA FROM
THE TIME OF THE SETTLEMENT OF
THE SEE AT NORWICH.
Herbert Losinga. — Consecrated 1091 . Died July 22, 1 1 19.
EvERARD DE MONTGOMERY, Archdeacon of Salisbury. — Cons.
June 12, 1 12 1. Retired, 1 145.
William Turbe, Prior of Norwich. — Cons. 1146. Died 1174.
JOHN OF Oxford, Dean of Salisbury. — Cons. Dec. 14, 11 75.
Died June 2, 1200.
John de Grey, Archeacon of Gloucester. — Cons. Sept. 24,
1200. Died Oct. 18, 12 14.
Pandulph Masca, Papal Legate. — Cons. May, 1222. Died
1226.
Thomas de Blumville. — Cons. Dec. 20, 1226. Died Aug.
16, 1236.
William de Ralegh.— Cons. Sept. 25, 1239. Translated to
Winchester, 1244.
Walter Calthorp or de Suffield.— Cons. Feb. 19, 1245.
Died May 20, 1257.
Simon de Watton.— Cons. March 10, 1258. Died Jan. 2,
1266.
Roger de Skerning, Prior of Norwich. — Cons. Sept. 19,
1266. Died Jan. 22, 1278.
William de Middleton, Archdeacon of Canterbury. — Cons.
May 29, 1278. Died Sept. i, 1288.
Ralph de Walpole, Archdeacon of Ely. — Cons. March 20,
1289. Translated to Ely, 1299.
John Salmon, Prior of Ely. — Cons. Nov. 15, 1299. Died
July 2, 1325.
LIST OF BISHOPS OF EAST ANGLIA. 24 1
Robert Baldok, Archdeacon of Middlesex. — Confirmed in
the see, Aug. 11, Resigned Sept. 3, 1325.
William Ayermin. — Cons. Sept. 15, 1325. Died March 27,
1336.
Antony Bek, Dean of Lincoln. — Cons. March 30, 1337. Died
Dec 19, 1343.
William Bateman, Dean of Lincoln. — Cons. May 23, 1344.
Died Jan. 6, 1355.
Thomas Percy. — Cons. Jan 3, 1356. Died Aug. 8, 1369.
Henry Despenser. — Cons. April 20, 1370. Died Aug. 23,
1406.
Alexander Tottington, Prior of Norwich. — Cons. Oct. 23,
1407. Died April 28, 1413.
Richard Courtenay, Dean of Wells. — Cons. Sept. 17, 1413,
Died Sept. 15, 1415.
John Wakertng, Archdeacon of Canterbury. — Cons. May 31,
1416. Died April 9, 1425.
William Alnewick, Archdeacon of Salisbury. — Cons. Aug.
18, 1426. Translated to Lincoln, Sept. 1436.
Thomas Brown, Bishop of Rochester. — Translated to Norwich,
Sept. 1436. Died Dec. 6, 1445.
W^alter Lyhart, Provost of Oriel. — Con^. Feb. 27, 1446.
Died May 17, 1472.
James Goldwell, Dean of Salisbury. — Cons. Oct. 4, 1472.
Died Feb. 15, 1499.
Thomas Jane, Dean of the Chapel Royal. — Cons. Oct. 20,
1499. Died Sept. 1500.
Richard Nix, Archdeacon of Wells. — Cons. April 18, 1501.
Died Jan. 14, 1536.
William Rugg, Abbot of Hulm.—Cons. June 11, 1536.
Resigned 1550.
Thomas Thirlby, Bishop of Westminster, — Translated Aprils
1550. Translated to Ely, 1554.
John Hopton, Confessor to Queen Mary.— Cons. Oct. 28,
1554. Died 1558.
John Parkhurst.— Cons. Sept. i, 1560. Died Feb. 2, 157.5.
Edmund Freake, Bishop of Rochester. — Translated Feb. 14,
1575. Translated to Worcester, 1584.
245! NORWICH.
Edmund Scambler, Bishop of Peterborough. — Trans. Jan.,
1585. Died May 7, 1594.
William Redman, Archd. of Canterbury. — Cons. Jan. 12,
1595. Died Sept. 25, 1602.
John Jegon, Master of C.C.C.C. — Cons. Feb. 20, 1603. Died
. March 13, 1618.
John Overall, Bbhop of Lichfield. — Trans. Oct., 161 8. Died
May 12, 1619.
Samuel Harsnet, Bishop of Chichester. — Trans. Sept., 1619.
Trans, to York, 1628.
Francis White, Bishop of Carlisle. — Trans. Feb., 1629.
Trans, to Ely, Dec, 1631,
Richard Corbet, Bishop of Oxford. — ^Trans. May, 1632.
Died July 28, 1635.
Matthew Wren, Bishop of Hereford. — Trans. Dec., 1635.
Trans, to Ely, 1638.
Richard Montague, Bishop of Chichester. — Trans. May,
1638. Died April 13, 1641.
Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter. —Trans. Dec, 1641. Died
Sept. 8, 1656.
Edward Reynolds, Dean of Christ Church.— Cons. Jan. 16,
1 66 1. Died July 28, 1676.
Anthony Sparrow, Bishop of Exeter. — Trans. Nov., 1676.
Died May 18, 1685.
William Lloyd, Bishopof Peterborough.— Trans. July, 1685.
Ejected 1691.
John Moore, Prebend of Ely.— Cons. July 5, 1691. Trans.
to Ely, July, 1707.
Charles Trimnel, Archd. of Norfolk.— Cons. Feb. 8, 1708.
Trans, to Winchester, Aug., 1721.
Thomas Green, Archd. of Canterbury.— Cons. Oct. 8, 1721.
Trans, to Ely, Sept., 1723.
John Leng, Chaplain to George I. — Cons. Nov. 3, 1723.
Died Oct. 26, 1727.
William Baker, Bishop of Bangor.- Trans. Dec, 1727.
Died Dec 4, 1732.
Robert Butts, Dean of Norwich.— Cons. Feb. 25, 1733.
Trans, to Ely, May, 1738.
LIST OF BISHOPS OF EAST ANGLIA. 243
Thomas Gooch, Bishop of Bristol. — Trans. Oct., 1738. Trans.
to Ely, 1748.
Samuel Lisle, Bishop of St. Asaph.— Trans. April, 1748.
Died Oct. 3, 1749.
Thoma's Haytor, Archd. of York.— Cons. Dec. 3, 1749.
Trans, to London, Oct., 1761.
Philip Yonge, Bishop of Bristol,— Trans. Nov. 1761. Died
April 23, 1783.
Lewis Bagot, Bishop of Bristol.— Trans. June, 1783. Trans.
to St. Asaph, April, 1790.
George Horne, Dean of Canterbury. — Cons. June 6, 1790.
Died Jan. 17, 1792.
Charles Manners Sutton, Dean of Peterborough.— Cons.
April 8, 1792. Trans, to Canterbury, Feb., 1805.
Henry Bathurst, Prebend of Oxford.— Cons, April 28, 1805.
Died April 5, 1837.
Edward Stanley, Rector of Alderley.— Cons. June 11, 1837.
Died Sept. 6, 1849.
Samuel Hinds, Dean of Carlisle.— Cons. Dec. 2, 1849
Resigned 1857.
John Thomas Peliiam. — Cons. June 11, 1857.
R 2
INDEX.
Abingdon Abbey, 31
Acci, bishop of Dunwich, 19
Adrian V., Pope, see Ottobon
i^gelmar, see Aylmer
iElfgar, bishop of East Anglia,
34
^Ifhun, bishop of Dunwich,
231
i^lfsy, abbot of Peterborough,
33
iElfwin, bishop of East Anglia,
34, 35
iEthelbert, King, 8
^thelhere, brother to King
Anna, 15
-^thelred, king of Wessex, 27
i^thelwine, friend of monks,
founds Ramsey Abbey, 31
-/Ethel wald, bishop of Winches-
ter, leads the movement for
revival of monasticism, 30 ;
establishes Benedictine rule,
3i»39
Alban, St., martyred a.d.
283,3
Aldwulf, 17 ; among signa-
tories at council of Haldeld,
17 n.; his daughters, 17
Alexander II., Pope (Anselm
of Lucca), 42
Alfred the Great, king of
Wessex, 27 ; wars with the
Danes, 27
Alheard, bishop of Elmham,
231
Alnewick, William, 146-
Angles landed in Britain, 4 ;
dispossessed the original
inhabitants, 7
Anna, king of East Anglia,
killed in Penda*s invasion, 15
Anselm, Archbishop, 41-52 ;
banished, 58
Arches, Court of, reform, lOi
Aries, council of, British there,
4
Arthur, Thomas, 158, 159
Arundel, Archbishop, 142
Athelstan, King (Guthorm), 28
Augustine, 8, 21
Ayermin, Adam, 115
Ayermin, Richard, 114
Ayermin, William, 111-114
Ayers, Thomas, 157
Aylmer or ^Egelmar, bishop
of Elmham, 35
Bacon, Roger, 127
Baconsthorpe, John of, 127
Bagot, Lewis, 223
Baker, William, 220
Baldok, Robert, 111-113
Baldwin, Abbot, 43, 44
Barnes, Robert, 158
Bateman, William, 117,
123
Bathurst, Henry, 225
Baxter, Richard, 205
246
NORWICH.
Beaufeu, Wiluam de,
bishop of Thetford, 48-50
Becket, see Thomas ^, Arch-
bishop
Bedcricsworth Monastery,
afterwards St. Edmondsbury,
Bedingfield, Thomas, Suffra-
gan, 237
Bedwin, bishop of Elmham,
19, 230
Bek, Anthony, 115- 116
Benedict, "Cardicensis," Suf-
fragan, 234
Benedict XI., Pope, 132
Benedict, St., rule of, came
to Britain, 14 ; introduced
into monasteries, 31
Benet's Hulm, St. , Abbey, 167 ;
founded by Cnut, 39 ; never
dissolved, 168
Bertgils or Boniface, Bishop, 14
Bigod, Roger, 48
Bigot, Hugh, excommunicated,
71 ; his revolt, 74
Bilney, Thomas, 158, 159, 160
Bingey, Thomas, 157
Bishoprics bought and sold,
49 ; kept vacant in Queen
Elizabeth's time, 176
Bisi, bishop of Dunwich, 19,
230
Black Death in Norfolk, 118-
121
Bloet, Robert, bishop of Lin-
coln, 53
Blumville, Thomas de, 84
Boat-race between the monks
of Ely and Ramsey, 1 1 «.
Boniface or Bertgils, Bishop,
Boniface of Savoy, Archbishop,
100
Boniface IX., Pope, 138
Brancaster, 5
Bretton, Lawrence, 201
Bretwalda, chief ruler over
England, 8
Breydon, "Water, 12
Bridge, William, 188 n.
Brie Nunnery, 16
Britain made Roman province,
3
Browne, Robert, 203
Brown, Thomas, Bishop,
150-151
Bungay Nunner)' founded, 74
Burdett, George, 188 n.
Burgh, 5
Bury St. Edmunds, see Ed-
munds, St., Abbey
Butts, Robert, 220
CiCSAR, Julius,lands in Britain,
2
Calamy, Edward, 216
Calthorp, Walter (Suf-
field), 90-92
Carrow Nunnery founded, 74 ;
Bishop Walter consecrated
at, 91
Castle Acre Priory founded,
48; Edward L at, 108;
income, 167
Castleton, William, first dean
of Norwich, 166
Castor, 5
Cathedra], Norwich : founda-
tion stone laid, 55 ; building,
57f 59; repaired and re-
opened, 103 ; belfry blown
down, 131 ; clerestory of
choir built, 132 ; works at,
138 ; additions to, 144, 153 ;
fire in, 153 ; riot in, 174; pil-
laged, 198; Lady Chapel at,
232
Celestine V., Pope, 107
Chaplains in private families,
187
Charities dissolved, 169
Charter, the Great, 85
INDEX.
247
Chelles Nunnery, 16
Christianity, early, in Britain,
3-4
Christianity disappeared with
departure of Romans and
coming of East Anglians, 6
Church-building by clergy in
eleventh century, 40 ; in
Bishop Herfast's time, 47 ;
in Bisnop Herbert's, 62
Churches in Norwich, their
condition in the end of the
sixteenth century, 180
Clagget, Nicholas, 216
Clagget, William, 216
Clarendon, Council of, 71
Clarke, Samuel, 217
Claudius, Emperor, 3
Clement VI., Pope, 117
Clergy : builders of churches,
40 ; their celibacy, 32, 66 ;
married, ejected, 171 ; of the
Commonwealth at Norwich,
207, 214; ejected under
Commonwealth, 199, 201 ;
Presbyterian, ejected, 205 ;
condition and social status
in the tenth century, 41 ;
thirteenth centui-y, 108 ; in
the fourteenth century in
towns, 126; in country,
127, 128; in the fifteenth
century, 155 ; in the seven-
teenth century, 181 ; their
work of education in the
seventh century effective,
18 ; their numbers in the
fourteenth century, 120 ;
resignation of, 145 ; paro-
chial or secular, robbed by
r^lars, no, 125, 145;
their wills, 155
Clovesho, synod held at, 21
Clugny, abbey of, 43
Cnut, King, founded abbey at
St. Benet's Hulm, 34, 39
Cnobbesburgh Monastery,
founded by Fursey, once
Garianonum, now Burgh
Castle, 13
Coins, Roman, in Norwich, 5
Corpus Christi College, Cam*
bridge, founded, 123
Colleges dissolved, 169
CoUings, Dr., 207
Communion-table, removal of,
185
Conventicle Act, 207
Convocation, 1640, 192
Corbet, Miles, 195
Corbet, Richard, 183
Council of St. Paul's, 147
COURTENAY, RiCHARD, I39,
140, 143
Cox, Richard, 172
Crofts, John, dean of Norwich,
204
Cromwell, Oliver, 204
Cromwell, Richard, 202
Crowland destroyed by Danes,
26; revived, 31
Crusade, first, 55 ; second, 78
Damiani, Peter, 42
Danes : land in Dorsetshire,
23; settle in East Anglia,
ravage and slay, 24 ; attack
monasteries and churches,
25 ; at Ipswich, 33 ; their
last raid, 46
Deodred, or Theodred,
bishop of London and Elm-
ham, 29
Despenser, Henry le, 133-
138
Devil's Dyke, 8
Dicul, 12
Disinherited, the, followers ot
Simon de Montfort, 94'
Druids massacred, 3
Dunstan, archbishop of Can-
terbury, 30, 39
243
NORWICH.
Dunwich, first bishopric in
East Anglia, ii ; diocese
divided, 19
Eadbald, King, 8
Eadburgh, Abbess, 17
£ AN FRITH, bishop of Elm-
ham, 230
East Anglia : its early limits,
4; its natural boundaries,
7 ; its chiefs resisted the
foundation of religious
establishments, 14 ; its
bishops attend national sy-
nods, 22 ; their names dis-
appear with the coming of
the Danes, 22
Edmunds, St., Abbey, 39, 43,
^f 93» 95 f takes its name
from the king, 25 ; re-
organised, 31, 32 ; Parlia-
ment at it, 107 ; dispute
with Bishop Bateman, 117;
its revenue, 167
Edmund the Confessor, 37
Edmund, King, killed by
Danes, 25
Edward I. oppresses the
clergy, 107; at Castleacre,
108
VI. dies, 170
Edwardston, Thomas, Suf-
fragan, 237
Edwin, Prince, Bretwalda, 9
Egelaf, Bishop, 230
Elfwald, King, 231
Elizabeth, Queen, excommuni-
cated, 177
Elmham : new centre of dio-
cese on its subdivision, 19 ;
see of East Anglian bishops,
28 ; Bishop Aylmer, 35 ;
^LFRIC died 1038, 35 ; last
bishop, Herfast, 36
Ely Monastery: founded by
Etbeldreda, 16 ; destroyed
by Danes, 26 ; revived, 31
Eorpwald, King, 9
Ethel berga, abbess of Brie, 16
Ethelburga, abbess of Hack-
ness, 17
Etheldreda, founder of EIy»
15. 16
Ethelhere, King, 16
Ethelred, King, 230
Ethelwulf, bishop of Elmham,
231
Eugenius IV., Pope, 150
Evesham, battle of, 94
Exemptions, 43
Fairfax, Dean, 213
Felix, the Burgundian, came
to Archbishop Honorius,
bishop of Dunwich, 1 1 ; his
fame in other lands, 12
Ferentino, John de, 87, 88
Five-mile Act, 207
Fitzralph, Richard, arch-
bishop of Armagh, 130
Flemings, the, at Norwich,
173
Floods in Norfolk, 104
Freake, Edmcjnd, 175
French fleet lands in Suffolk,
Freckenham, Suffolk, 44
Friars : in East Anglia, 125 ;
evangelisers of towns, 61,
126 ; learning, 128 ; num-
bers at the suppression,
167 ; settle in Norfolk, 84,
94,98
Frith, John, 158
Fulburn, Stephen, archbishop
ofTuam, 103
Fullan, companion of Fursey,
12
Fursey, an Irish • missionar}',
came to Felix with Fullan,
INDEX.
249
Ultan, Gobban» Dicul,
founded Cnobbesburgh, 12
Garianonum, 13
Gatford, Lionel, 200
Geoffrey de Clive, Lishop of
Hereford, 64
Gilbert Hamensis, Suffragan,
234
Glanville, Ranulph de, 7S
Glastonbury Abbey, 31
Gobban, companion of Fursey,
12
GoLDWELL, James, 132, 153
Gonville, Edmund, 122
GoocH, Thomas, Bishop, 221
Goodwin, Nathaniel, 2CX)
Green, Thomas, 219, 220
Gregory VII., Pope, 44
X., Pope, 100
Grey, John de. Bishop,
episcopate of, 80-84
Walter de, archbishop
of York, 82
Grimketel, bishop of Elm-
ham, 35
Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln,
86
Guilds plundered, 169
Guthorm, baptised by name
Athelstan, 27, 28
Hackness Abbey, 17
Haford, John, nominated
as bishop, 146
Hall, Joseph, 192, 201
Harsnet, Samuel, 182
Hawkwood, Sir John, 132
Haytor, Thomas, 221-223
Heardred, bishop of Dun-
wich, 231
Heardulf, Bishop, 230
Hemenhall, Thomas de:
his appointment quashed,
1 14 ; made bishop of Wor-
cester, 115
Henry II. at Norwich Priory,
70
IIL, 85; at Norwich,
98; died, 100
Hereswith, 16
Herfast, Bishop : first fo-
reigner in East Anglian
diocese, last bishop of £lm-
ham, 36; his episcopate,
41-47 «.
Hermyte, Isabella, story of,
147
Hertford, council of, 21
Hickes, George, Isishop of
Thetford, 213
Hicklingy priory of, 168
Hilda founds Whitby Abbey,
16
Hinds, Samuel, 226
Hoadley, Benjamin, 218
John, 218
Samuel, 218
Honorius, Archbishop, 10
HoPTON, John, 171
HoRNE, George, 223, 224
Hoxne, 29
Huetlsec, Bishop, 230
HUMBERHT, Bishop, 23 1
Hunferth, Bishop, 231
Hwaetburga, Abbess, 17
Hyntlesham, Robert, Suf-
fragan, 235
Independents, rise of the,
203
Ingham, priory of, 165
Innocent III., Pope, 85
VI., Pope, 123
VIL, Pope, 138
Ipswich Holy Trinity Church
built, 79
Isabella, Queen, 112
2SO
NORWICH.
Ithamar, bishop of Rochester,
Jane, Thomas, 154
Jeffcry, Dr., 216
Jegon, John, 178, 181
Thomas, Archdeacon, 179
Jerome of Ascoli, Poj^e
Nicholas IV., 106
Jews, persecution of the, 6y
Jocelin de Brakelond, 63
John, King, 83, 85
John of Oxford, one of
Thomas k Becket*s escort,
73 ; his early life, 76 ; his
episcopate, 76-80
John XXII., Pope, 117
KiLWARBY, Robert, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, 100
Lambert, John, 158
Lanfranc, Archbishop, 41 ;
dispute with Herfast, 44-
46; dies, 50
Langton, Simon, 82
Latimer, Hugh, 159
Laud, Archbishop, 184, 18S,
190
Laurence, Archbishop, 8
Laymen holding preferment,
133
learning, men of, in East
Anglia, 127
Leicester, John, Suffragan,
235
Lecturers worried, 187, 188
Leng, John, 220
Leofwin, Bishop, 42
Lych field, Edmund, Suffragan,
236
Limesey, Robert de, bishop of
Lichfield, 64
Lisle, Samuel, 221
Litester, John, his revolt,
135; is hanged, 136
Lloyd, William, 210-212
William, bishop of Wor-
cester, 210 n,
Lodowis, Thomas, Sufiragan,
235
Lollards, the, 141, 144; perse-
cution of, 146, 149
London, council at, 95
Losing A, Herbert de.
Bishop : early life, 50, 51 ;
consecrated, 51 ; his staff
taken from him, 53 ; bishop
of Norwich, 54 ; his episco-
pate, 55-^4
Lydgate, Thomas, 155
Lyhart, William, 151-153
Lyng, Richard, his bene-
factions, 123
Lynn, church at, founded, 59
Manning, Thomas, bishop
of Ipswich, 168, 237
Manners Sutton, Charles,
224
Marham, nunnery of, 165
Martin, Dr., 21^
— v., Pope, 143
Mass restored, 171
Middleton, Elias, 102
Ralph, 102
Thomas, 102
Walter, 102
Middleton, William de,
101-105 ; family of, 102
Monasteries : side with pope,
75 ; aggression of, 79, 80,
81; their decline, 130;
during Black Death in Nor-
folk, 119; endowment of
those in East Anglia, 167 ;
their rule uniform under
iClhelwald, 31 ; their sup-
pression under the Danes,
INDEX.
251
29, 30 ; second suppression,
162, 167 ; visited by Arch-
bishop Peckham, 232-234
Monks, educational work effec-
tive in seventh century, 18 ;
of the fourteenth century, 129
Montague, Richard, 191-
192
Montague, Simon, bishop of
Ely, 115
Montgomery, Everard de,
65, 66-68
Montgomery, George, dean of
Norwich, 179
Moore, John, 215-219
Mortmain, statute of, 103
Nicholas IV., Pope, 106
Nix, Richard, 156-161
Nonconformists in diocese, 176
Nonjurors, 211, 212
NoTHBERD, bishop of Elmham,
230
Norfolk : its harbours in early
times, 5 ; reformers at Cam-
bridge, 158
Norrice, Thomas, 157
Norwich : Castle besieged, 46-
70; CaM^</r^7/, Lady Chapel,
91, 92 ; destroyed, 180 ;
Chapter House destroyed,
180; sacked, 83, 95; dio-
cesan synod at, 148 ; diocese
in Queen Elizabeth's time,
177 ; see plundered, 168 ;
Palace, 180, 209 ; Priory,
conflict with citizens, 97 ;
disputes with bishops, 134;
fire at, 73; infirmary
built, 79; heavily taxed,
107; library destroyed, 180;
monastery dissolved, 165
Oates, Titus, 210
Odo, archbishop of Canter-
bury, 28
Oldcastle, Sir John, 142
Ordinations, numbers at, 140,
144, 151
Oswy founds Peterborough, 26
Otho, 86, 88
Ottobon de Fiesco, 87, 88,
95. 100
Overall, John, Bishop, 182
Pandulph, Masca, Bishop,
83
Parishes, number in diocese,
134
Parkhurst, John, 172-174
Parliaments of Charles I., 185
Parochial system breaks down
in the towns, 126
Pascal, John, Suffragan, 235
Paston letters, 152
Pecock, bishop of Chichester,
152
Penda, king of Mercia, 15
Pentney, priory of, 71, 165
Pestilence, second great, 131-
Peterborough Monastery, 26,
31, 33
Percy, Thomas, 123, 130-
132
Pie, Hugh, 148
Piers, Vincent, 204
Plautius, Aulus, 2
Playters, Lionel, 201
Popes, aggression of, ^y 114;
schism comes to an end,
143 «.
Potts, Sir John, 195
Praemunire, statute of, 139
Prideaux, Humphrey, Dean,
216
Prophesyings in the diocese,
174
Provisors, statute of, 139
Ralegh, William de, Zj,
89, 90
Ralph, Luffa, bishop of Chi-
chester, 51
25^
NORWICH.
Ralph, Earl, 46, 55
Recusants, laws against, 177
Redman, William, 175
Redwald, King, 8, 9
Regulars, what they were,
30 ».
Repton, Abbey, 17
Revenues of Pope from
England, 87
Reynolds, Edward, 205,
209 ; author of the General
Thanksgiving, 208
Richard I., 79
Robert, ** Arch illiensis," 235
Robert of Yarmouth, arch-
deacon of Canterbury, 102
Robinson, John, 203
Roger, bishop of Salisbury,
Roger de Skerning, 94, 99
Romans invade Britain, 2 ;
left, 4
Rome, appeals to, 80
RuGG, William, 168
Rushworth College founded,
122
Sabbatarian Controversy,
Saham-Tony School, ii
Salisbury, John, bishop of
Thetford, 168
Salisbury, John, Suffragan, 237
Salmon, John, 109, iii
Sampson, abbot of Bury, 63,
83
Sancroft, Archbishop, 208
Sawtre, William, 137
Scambler, Edmund, 175
Scrope, Thomas, Suffragan,
236
Seculars, what they were, 30 w.
Sergius, Pope, 230.
Sexburga founds convent at
Sheppey, 15
Sharp, John, Archbishop, 2.12
Sheppey, convent founded by
Sexburga at, 15
Sigcbert, King, 10, 13
Simon of Elmham, 87, 89
Simon de Montfort, 87, 94
Skelton, John, 155
Skerning-, Roger de, 94,
99
Smyrna, archbishop of, 140
Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, 218
Sparrow, Anthony, Bishop,
209, 210
Stanbery, John, 151
Stanley, Edward, 225-227
Staunton, Lawrence, 180
Stephen, King, 68
Stigand, Cnut*s adviser, 35
Strafford, Lord, beheaded,
192
Stratford, archbishop of Can-
terbury, 116
Stratford, bishop of Winches-
ter, III
Sub-division of diocese, 19
Suckling, £klmund, 179
Sudbury, Simon, 135
SuFFiELD, Walter de
(Walter Calthorp), 90-
92
Suffolk archdeaconry divided.
Survey, the great, 47
Sweyn, King, invaded East
Anglia, 33
Synod at St. PauPs, 107
of Rome, 1089, 53
Tanner, Thomas, chancellor
of Norwich, 217
Taxation, the Norwich, 91
Tenison, Archbishop, 208,
219
Thanksgiving, the General,
INDEX.
253
written by Bishop Rey-
nolds, 208
Theobald of Placentia (Gre-
gory X.), 100
Theodore of Tarsus, 17, 18,
19, 20, 230
Thetford, church at, 47 ;
priory of, 16$
Thirlby, Thomas, 168
Thomas a Becket, archbishop
of Canterbury, dispute with
Henry II., 76 ; murdered,
73 ; supporter, Bishop
William, 73
Thomas, Bishop, succeeds
Felix, 14
Thomas de Blumville,
Bishop, 84
Thorney Monastery destroyed
by Danes, 26 ; revived, 31
Tidfrith, bishop of Dunwich,
231
Tillotson, Archbishop, 208
Tonney, John, 155
TOTTINGTON, ALEXANDER,
121, 139
Trimnell, Charles, 219
Trinity Hall, Cambridge,
founded, 122
Turbe, William, 68, 74
Tyler, Wat, 135
Tyllot, Thomas, 200
Ultan, companion of Fursey,
12
Underwood, John, Suffragan,
237
Uniformity, Act of, 207
Urban V., Pope, 132
"Valor Ecclesiasticus," 163
Venn, John, 225
Vicarages in diocese, 145
Vicars dependent on voluntary
offerings, 125
Wagstaffe, Thomas, bishop
of Ipswich, 213
Wakering, John, 143-145
Walker, John, 206
Walpole, Horace, quoted, 221
Walpole, Ralph, Bishop,
105-108
Walter, Hubert, Archbishop,
82
Watton, Simon de. Bishop,
92-94
Ward, Samuel, 186
WalSingham, John of, 127
Wedmore, the peace of, 27
Wendling Abbey, 129
Weremund, bishop of Dun-
wich, 231
Wesley, John, his ill-success
in Norfolk, 222; last visit,
223
Whitchurch, Nicholas, 109
White, Francis, 183
Dr. John, 183
William, story of, 148,
149
" White Ship " founders, 64
Whitfield, 222
Whitefoot, John, 207
Whitgift, Archbishop, 178
Whiston, William, 217
Wickliffe, John, 131
William I., 44
William de Beaufeu,
bishop of Thetford, 48-
50
Williams, Hugh, 200
Wilred, Bishop, 231
Winchelsey, Robert, arch
bishop of Canterbury, 107
Windel, Robert, SuffragaD^
235
Witberga, 16 y
Woodhouse, Sir Thomas, 195
WuUey, Florence, Suffragan,
236
Wulstan, Bishop, 41
254
NORWICH.
Wurzburg, council at, 76
Wrawe, John, 135
Wren, Matthew, 190-191,
203
Wymondham Priory, 61
.Wyatt*s rebellion, 170
Yarmouth church founded,
59 ^/consecrated, 104
Yaxley; Anthony, 159 «.
YoNGE,. Philip, Bishop, 223
Young, Edward, 202
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